Racial Attitudes
in Pulaski County
10th Annual Survey Report
- Focus on Crime
and Punishment
March 28, 2013
10
University
of Arkansas at Little Rock
Institute
of Government
Institute
on Race and Ethnicity
Racial
Attitudes in Pulaski County
Siobhan
T. Bartley, M.A.
Survey Report Author
Research Librarian, Institute for Economic Advancement
Cindy
Lou Bennett, MBA
Survey Research Designer
Director, IOG Survey Research Center
Hunter
Bacot, Ph.D.
Director
Institute of Government
Priscilla
McChristian, M.A.
Interim Director
Institute on Race and Ethnicity
Contributors
Office of Communications
Adjoa
A. Aiyetoro, J.D., William H. Bowen School of Law
Adriana
Lopez-Ramirez, Ph.D., Department of Sociology & Anthropology
Mia
Phillips, M.A., Office of the Chancellor
Marinelle
Ringer, Ph.D., Nanotechnology Center
Jeff
Walker, Ph.D., Department of Criminal Justice
INTRODUCTION 5
EXECUTIVE
SUMMARY 6
STUDY
METHODOLOGY 8
TRUST AND
CONFIDENCE: THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM 9
General Trust 9
The Police: trust,
fairness, and interaction 11
Trust 11
Fairness 12
Interaction 13
The Criminal
Justice system: trust, fairness, and interaction 15
Trust 15
Fairness 16
Interaction 17
CRIME:
PERCEPTIONS AND INCIDENCE 20
Perceptions of Crime 20
Incidence of Crime 20
ILLEGAL
DRUGS: REGULATION, LEGALIZATION AND USE 22
Regulation 22
Legalization 23
Personal use 25
PERCEPTIONS
OF UNFAIR TREATMENT 27
APPENDIX:
DATA ANALYSIS AND DEMOGRAPHICS 35
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
ÒRace, particularly white-black race
relations, has been a major problem, indeed the major problem, the biggest
obstacle to progress, in our state since it was founded in 1836,Ó said
University of Arkansas at Little Rock (UALR) Chancellor Joel E. Anderson in his
September 30, 2003 inauguration speech. Chancellor Anderson has committed UALR
to using the universityÕs resources to remove these barriers to progress toward
racial and ethnic justice through research and dialogue, stating, ÒYou have to
face it to fix itÓ.
For ten years, the UALR Institute of
Government (IOG) has conducted an annual survey of racial attitudes in Pulaski
County. Topics have included Local government; Perspectives on community;
Education; Health and health care; Economic wealth, housing and financial
well-being; Crime; Values, social conflict and trust; and Media—a
sustained effort over a decade to capture the opinions and attitudes of the
Pulaski County community.
Each year the survey includes general
questions that are repeated periodically in the surveys to determine whether
there has been any movement in racial and ethnic attitudes. This report
summarizes the findings from the tenth annual survey that focuses on the
criminal justice system. Year 10 explores respondentsÕ attitudes toward and
interactions with the actors in the criminal justice system and criminal
behavior including use of drugs.
Although progress has been made in
closing the racial and ethnic divides in Arkansas and specifically, Pulaski
County, a review of the 10 years of survey results suggests that there
continues to be significant differences in some attitudes between whites,
blacks and Hispanics. Researchers in the IOG are completing an analysis of how
racial attitudes have changed or stayed the same over these ten years.
The commitment to using its research
capabilities to address issues of race (a focus that has expanded to include
ethnicity) in Pulaski County is consistent with the focus of UALR. In UALR Fast
Forward, the universityÕs strategic planning document, UALR promises to be a
Òkeeper of the flame on the subject of raceÓ.
A telephone survey was conducted during
the fall of 2012. For the third consecutive year, the report includes results
from Pulaski County Hispanic respondents, as well as those of black and white
respondents. Year 10 marks the first opportunity to compare results from
Hispanic respondents over time, and to see if there have been any attitudinal
shifts in the last two years.
A Note on Terminology
Usage
At all times during this study,
researchers were sensitive to the debate and uncertainty concerning the most
accepted term to use when referring to respondents of Hispanic/Latino origin.
Hispanic respondents were first asked about their preferences in Year 8 of this
study, and this yearÕs findings show little change has occurred.
In Year 8, 18 percent of Hispanic
respondents said they preferred the term ÒHispanicÓ and 13 percent said they
favored ÒLatinoÓ. In Year 10, 21 percent of Hispanics say they prefer
ÒHispanicÓ, compared to 12 percent preferring ÒLatinoÓ.
Close to two-thirds of Hispanics in
Year 8 (64 percent) and in Year 10 (62 percent) say they have no preference for
one term or the other.
However, the number of respondents who
prefer the term ÒHispanicÓ is somewhat greater in both years. This being the
case, the term ÒHispanicÓ was used throughout the survey and the report.
Reports are available at no cost.
Copies for viewing and circulation may be obtained at the following web
address: ualr.edu/race-ethnicity/research/racial-attitudes
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Year 10 of UALRÕs study of Racial
Attitudes in Pulaski County presents data collected from an annual telephone
survey. The survey includes a module of questions related to crime and the
criminal justice system, and several modules of general questions assessing
interracial attitudes and perceptions.
The following are some of the major
findings of the Year 10 study:
¥ Blacks are significantly more likely
to say people are Òlooking out for themselvesÓ than are whites or Hispanics;
¥ Whites are significantly more likely
to say people Òtry to be fairÓ than are blacks or Hispanics;
¥ Whites are significantly more likely
to believe that local police and courts treat blacks and Hispanics fairly than
are blacks and Hispanics, themselves;
¥ Whites are significantly more likely
to contact the police in the event of a violent or non-violent crime than are
blacks or Hispanics;
¥ More than one-half of blacks say they
have only Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence that local courts treat
blacks fairly;
¥ Nearly one-half of Hispanics say they
have only Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence that local courts treat
Hispanics fairly;
¥ Hispanics are significantly less
likely to have served on a jury in the last five years than are blacks or
whites;
¥ Hispanics are significantly less
likely to have attended court on a criminal matter than are blacks;
¥ Blacks and Hispanics are
significantly more likely to report that they have been arrested in the last
five years than are whites;
¥ More than 1 in 5 blacks have been in
jail/prison or on probation/parole in the last five years;
¥ Blacks and Hispanics are significantly
more likely to say the purpose of prison should be rehabilitation than are
whites;
¥ Blacks and LR-whites are
significantly more likely to work in law enforcement or have a family member
who does than are Hispanics;
¥ Blacks are significantly more likely
to say they are Òvery concernedÓ about becoming the victim of a crime than are
whites or Hispanics;
¥ Hispanics are significantly more
likely to say marijuana should not be legalized—even for medical
purposes—than are blacks or whites.
RESUMEN EJECUTIVO
La dŽcima encuesta anual de la
Universidad de Arkansas en Little Rock sobre actitudes raciales en el Condado
de Pulaski incluye una serie de preguntas sobre la percepci—n del delito y el
sistema de procuraci—n de justicia, as’ como preguntas diversas que permiten
estudiar las actitudes y percepciones que, en este ‡mbito, tienen los grupos
raciales y Žtnicos sobre ellos mismos y entre s’. La informaci—n se obtuvo
mediante una encuesta telef—nica.
Entre los hallazgos m‡s importantes de
este a–o se encontr— lo siguiente:
¥ La frecuencia con la que los
entrevistados reportan que la gente s—lo Òmira por s’ misma,Ó es mayor entre
los negros que entre los blancos o los hispanos.
¥ Los blancos reportan, con mayor
frecuencia que los negros o los hispanos, que la gente Òtrata de ser justaÓ.
¥ Los blancos opinan, m‡s
frecuentemente que los negros y los hispanos, que la polic’a local y los
tribunales tratan a los negros y a los hispanos de manera justa.
¥ Ante la ocurrencia de un crimen,
violento o no, es m‡s probable que los blancos llamen a la polic’a que los
negros o los hispanos.
¥ M‡s de la mitad de los negros
reportan tener Òmuy poca confianzaÓ o Òs—lo algo de confianzaÓ en que los
tribunales locales los traten de manera justa.
¥ Un poco menos de la mitad de los
hispanos reportan tener Òmuy poca confianzaÓ o Òs—lo algo de confianzaÓ en que
los tribunales los traten de manera justa.
¥ La probabilidad de que un hispano
haya formado parte de un jurado en los œltimos cinco a–os es menor que entre
los blancos o los negros.
¥ La probabilidad de que un hispano
haya sido citado ante un tribunal por un asunto criminal es menor que entre los
negros.
¥ La frecuencia con que los negros y
los hispanos reportan haber sido arrestados en los œltimos cinco a–os es
significativamente mayor que entre los blancos.
¥ En los œltimos cinco a–os, uno de
cada cinco negros ha estado en la c‡rcel o prisi—n, o est‡ en libertad
condicional.
¥ Los negros y los hispanos reportan,
con mayor frecuencia que los blancos, que el objetivo de las prisiones deber’a
ser la rehabilitaci—n.
¥ En comparaci—n con los hispanos, es
m‡s comœn que los negros y blancos residentes en Little Rock trabajen en instituciones
de procuraci—n de justicia o tengan algœn familiar que lo haga.
¥ Los negros expresan con mayor
frecuencia que los blancos o los hispanos, estar Òmuy preocupadosÓ de ser
v’ctimas de un crimen.
¥ La oposici—n a legalizar la
marihuana—incluso si es con prop—sitos medicinales—es mayor entre
los hispanos que entre blancos o negros.
Black
respondents living WITHIN the
Little Rock city limits
Black
respondents living OUTSIDE the Little Rock city limits
White
respondents living WITHIN the
Little Rock city limits
White
respondents living OUTSIDE the Little Rock city limits
Hispanic
respondents living
in Pulaski County
LR-blacks
OLR-blacks
LR-whites
OLR-whites
Hispanics
STUDY METHODOLOGY
This study is based on a dual frame
survey (landline and cell phone) conducted by the UALR Institute of Government
Survey Research Center between August 15, 2012 and October 22, 2012. Interviews
were conducted in both English and Spanish.
A total of 1,919 interviews were
conducted with adults living in households located in Pulaski County, Arkansas.
A hybrid sample design was used which included the following: 1) a combination
of a countywide stratified Random Digit Dialing (RDD) sample of landline telephone
numbers in Pulaski County, 2) a countywide sample of cell phone numbers, and,
3) a listed landline sample of people with distinctive Hispanic names.
Oversamples were drawn for blacks living outside the city limits of Little Rock
and for Hispanics, to ensure that enough members of these two groups were
included in the survey to be statistically significant. Of all completed
interviews, 77 percent were landline interviews and 23 percent were cell phone
interviews.
Since the study focuses on black,
white, and Hispanic attitudes towards race and ethnicity, the data used in this
analysis were limited to these three racial/ethnic groups and divided into five
geo-racial groups with a total of 1,817 respondents.
The black and white geo-racial groups
contain between 395 and 427 respondents, providing a margin of sampling error
of ±5 percent at the conventional 95 percent confidence level. The Hispanic
group contains 171 respondents, providing a margin of sampling error of ±7.4
percent at the conventional 95 percent confidence level.
The response rate for the Year 10
survey is 28 percent (RR3) with a cooperation rate of 81 percent based on
standards established by the Council of American Survey Research Organizations.
Research shows that responses to racial
issue questions can be influenced by whether interviewers and respondents
perceive themselves to be of the same or of a different race. For the Year 10
study, the Survey Research Center used the same methodology as in previous
years whereby black and white respondents were matched with telephone
interviewers of the same race. Similarly, Hispanic respondents were matched
with Hispanic interviewers. This matching process allows for more consistent
comparisons among groups and across years.
Several of the questions used in the
Year 10 survey are based upon questions developed, tested, and used by the
following organizations and persons: The Gallup Research Center and the Pew
Research Center. These entities bear no responsibility for the interpretations
presented or conclusions reached based on analysis of the data. We gratefully
acknowledge their contributions to this study.
Descriptive data analysis includes
frequency distributions and cross-tabulations. Because of the size of the data
set, the level of statistical significance is designated to be 0.05. When tests
indicate a less than 5 percent probability that a difference occurred by
chance, that difference is considered to be statistically significant and the
term is used that there is a Òsignificant differenceÓ. The reader should be
aware that a finding may be Òstatistically significant,Ó but the term does not
imply that the difference is of practical significance. Likewise, if
differences are not found to be statistically significant, it does not mean
that the results are unimportant.
This research is conducted in
accordance with protocols and procedures approved by the UALR Institutional
Review Board for Human Subjects Research.
TRUST AND CONFIDENCE: THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE
SYSTEM
The major focus of the Year 10 survey
is to capture respondentsÕ attitudes toward and experience with crime and the
criminal justice system. The survey, therefore, gathers data on respondentsÕ
engagement with the criminal justice system, including opinions on police
officers, the court system, and ultimately to sentencing. At the core of many
of the questions concerning interactions with the criminal justice system is
the issue of trust. To what extent do Pulaski County residents trust the
criminal justice system?
General Trust
When the survey was fielded, the
following pair of general trust questions was asked alongside a set of
questions relating to respondentsÕ trust and confidence levels in the police
and the judicial system as a whole. This allowed a comparison between respondentsÕ
inherent trust levels and their trust in the agencies of law enforcement.
Would you say that
most of the time people try to be helpful, or that they are mostly just looking
out for themselves?
¥ Blacks are
significantly less likely to say people mostly Òtry to
be helpfulÓ than
whites or Hispanics
Whites are significantly more inclined
to trust the intention of others than blacks, with more than one-half of whites
(51 and 56 percent) saying they feel, for the most part, that people Òtry to be
helpfulÓ.
Blacks are the group least likely to
believe that people generally act on altruistic not selfish impulses—only
around one-third of blacks (35 and
38 percent) say they trust others to
be helpful.
Hispanics have more in common with
whites than blacks in this instance. The majority of Hispanics (54 percent) say
they believe people mainly Òtry to be helpfulÓ, meaning they too are
significantly more apt to feel this way than blacks.
This question was also posed in Year 8
of the study, and some interesting changes can be observed when those results
are compared with this yearÕs.
The opinions of black respondents
actually varied little, with 38 and 42 percent of Year 8 respondents saying
people generally Òtry to be helpfulÓ.
In Year 8, 72 percent of LR-whites said
people mainly try to be helpful, compared to 51 percent of LR-whites this year.
This 21 percentage point decrease indicates a significant decrease in the
number of LR-whites who believe that people generally act in altruistic ways.
Although in Year 8 the opinions of
Hispanic respondents had more in common with those of blacks, this year they
are more in keeping with whites. The Year 10 results saw Hispanics much more
likely to view the intent of other people positively than they were in Year 8,
by 13 percentage points. Opinions tend to change very slowly over time, so to
see such a large change in the space of two years is striking.
Do you think most
people would try to take advantage of you if they got the chance, or would they
try to be fair?
¥ Whites are
significantly more likely to say most people Òtry to
be fairÓ than
blacks or Hispanics
As opposed to responses to the previous
question, the answers of blacks and Hispanics here are closer to each other
than they are to whites.
Between 39 and 43 percent of blacks say
they feel most people would Òtry to be fairÓ rather than Òtake advantageÓ if
given the opportunity. The results for the previous question saw the majority of
Hispanics tending toward higher levels of trust, and their opinions diverged
significantly from those of blacks. In this instance, however, only 41 percent
of Hispanic respondents feel they can trust the intentions of others, making
their views more aligned with those of black respondents.
The white groups are significantly more
likely to say most people Òwould try to be fairÓ than either blacks or
Hispanics, with 65 and 69 percent of whites giving this response.
This question was also asked in Year 8
of the study, and very little change has occurred. In Year 8, 37 and 38 percent
of blacks had faith in the fairness of others, compared to significantly more
whites, at 66 and 73 percent. Despite the change in Hispanic opinions over time
demonstrated by the previous question, Hispanics are no more likely to trust in
the fairness of others than they were two years ago, when 45 percent of
Hispanic respondents reported they believed most people would Òtry to be fairÓ.
Exhibit 1 shows the geo-racial breakout for those
respondents who say people would mostly Òtry to be helpfulÓ, and those saying
most people
Òtry to be fairÓ in Year 10.
The police: trust, fairness, and interaction
Trust
The preceding results
give a sense of respondentsÕ ÒbaselineÓ levels of trust in others. The
following narrative presents responses to a set of questions focused on levels
of trust in local police—the most public face of law enforcement.
Respondents were
asked to think about the police in their area. How much trust do they have in
the police? How confident are they that police can enforce the law and manage
crime?
How much trust do you have for the police in your area? A great
deal, quite a lot, not very much, or none at all?
¥ Whites trust local police
significantly more than do blacks
or Hispanics
Blacks and Hispanics
exhibit comparable levels of trust in their local police force, but within both
groups there is something of a bilateral divide. Around one-half of blacks (at
47 and 53 percent) and Hispanics (at 53 percent) say they trust the local
police a Ògreat dealÓ or Òquite a lotÓ—leaving close to one-half saying
they have Ònot very muchÓ trust or Ònone at allÓ.
Whites, on the other
hand, are significantly more inclined to say they trust the police in their
area a Ògreat dealÓ or Òquite a lotÓ. More than 8 out of 10 whites (83 and 84
percent) select these responses.
How much
confidence do you have that police officers in your community will do a good
job of enforcing the law --- a great deal, a fair amount, just some or very
little confidence?
¥ Whites are
significantly more likely to have a Ògreat dealÓ of confidence in local police
enforcement of the law than are blacks and Hispanics
Respondents were asked to consider how
much confidence they had in the competence of the police in their communities
when it came to enforcing the law.
In some ways, the response pattern to
this question breaks out in a similar manner to that of the previous
question—blacks and Hispanics report significantly lower levels of
confidence in local police than do whites.
In this instance, the biggest
difference between the groups can be found in those answering that they have a
Ògreat dealÓ of confidence. Of the black respondents, 22 and 27 percent choose
this response, making them significantly less likely to do so than whites, 42
and 45 percent of whom express a Ògreat dealÓ of confidence.
Hispanic respondents are also
significantly less inclined to express a high level of confidence in the
law-enforcement capabilities of police than whites. In fact, only 15 percent of
Hispanics respond a Ògreat dealÓ, making them the group least likely to do so.
This question was also posed by the Pew
Research Center in 2009. The difference of opinion between Pulaski County
blacks and whites observed in the Year 10 study is echoed by findings from the
Pew study. Forty-six percent of whites and 24 percent of blacks in the national
study say they have Òa great dealÓ of confidence that local police will do a
good job of enforcing the law.
The opinions of Pulaski County
Hispanics diverge noticeably from their national counterparts however. In 2009,
Pew researchers found that 37 percent of Hispanics surveyed nationally say they
have a Ògreat dealÓ of confidence that local police will do a good job,
indicating that their confidence level is approaching that of whites. This
stands in contrast to the 15 percent of Hispanics who say they have a Ògreat
dealÓ of confidence in the Year 10 local study.
How much
confidence do you have that police officers in your community will do a good
job of dealing with gangs --- a great deal, a fair amount, just some, or very
little confidence?
¥ Whites have
significantly greater confidence in police handling of gang crime than blacks
or Hispanics
This question
addressed respondentsÕ confidence in the ability of local police to handle a
specific crime problem—gang crime.
At least one-half of
each group has a Ògreat dealÓ or a Òfair amountÓ of confidence in police
handling of gang activities. However, this is a scant majority for the black
groups, with between 51 and 59 percent of black respondents selecting this
answer. This makes them the group least apt to have a lot of confidence in the
way local police deal with gang activity.
Many Hispanics are
also disinclined to have a Ògreat dealÓ or Òfair amountÓ of confidence,
although close to two-thirds (62 percent) do respond in this way.
Whites are
significantly more likely to choose responses from the upper end of the scale
than are blacks or Hispanics, with 76 and 78 percent of whites reporting a
Ògreat dealÓ or Òfair amountÓ of confidence in community policing of gang
crime.
Fairness
Respondents were asked for
their opinions on how much police could be relied upon to treat various groups
fairly.
How much confidence do you have that police officers in your
community will treat people fairly --- a great deal, a fair amount, just some,
or very little confidence?
¥ Whites are significantly more
likely to say they have a Ògreat dealÓ or Òfair amountÓ of confidence in the
fairness of local police than are blacks or Hispanics
The first question in
this set was a general one, and asked respondents to what extent they trusted
local police when it came to fair treatment of the community as a whole.
Once again, the
opinions of blacks and Hispanics have much in common. Around 5 out of 10 blacks
and Hispanics (at 49 and 53 percent, and 56 percent respectively) report a
Ògreat dealÓ or Òfair amountÓ of confidence in the fairness of local police.
Whites are
significantly more likely than any of the other groups to express the highest
levels of confidence in the police, with more than 8 out of 10 whites (83 and
84 percent) saying they have a Ògreat dealÓ or Òfair amountÓ
of
confidence.
The next set of
questions sought to measure how confident respondents were that police in
Pulaski County would treat its residents fairly, irrespective of racial or
ethnic background.
How much confidence do you have that police officers in your
community will treat BLACKS fairly --- a great deal, a fair amount, just some,
or very little confidence?
This question was
asked only of blacks, to gain a personal perspective from black respondents on
this topic. More than one-half of black respondents report having low
confidence levels about the way local police treat black community members.
Between 56 and 57 percent of blacks say they have only Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ
confidence in the police in this context.
How much confidence do you have that police officers in your
community will treat HISPANICS fairly --- a great deal, a fair amount, just
some, or very little confidence?
A parallel question
was asked only of Hispanic respondents—how confident are they that local
police can be relied upon to treat Hispanic members of the community fairly?
The responses of
Hispanics are somewhat similar to those of blacks. One-half of Hispanics (50
percent) say they have Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence in the police
when it comes to treating Hispanics fairly.
How much confidence do you have that police officers in your
community will treat BLACKS and HISPANICS fairly --- a great deal, a fair
amount, just some or very little confidence?
¥ Whites are significantly more
likely to believe that local police treat blacks and Hispanics fairly than
blacks and Hispanics
are themselves
To gain a comparative
view, the survey also asked whites about their perceptions of police treatment
of blacks and Hispanics. In keeping with their general tendency to have the
highest confidence and trust levels of all the groups, whites are significantly
more inclined to have a positive view of police fairness toward minorities than
are blacks or Hispanics.
Whites are the group
least likely to say they have Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence in police
fair treatment, at 23 and 27 percent.
Exhibit 2
shows the results for the numbers of blacks and Hispanics and their opinions as
to what extent the police can be trusted to treat people fairly overall, and
then blacks and Hispanics specifically.
Exhibit 2: Percentages having Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ
confidence in police treating blacks/Hispanics fairly
Interaction
The next set of
questions focus on specific kinds of interaction with the police, to examine
the likelihood of respondents contacting the police should they have the
misfortune to be victims of crime.
If you were the victim of an assault, rape, robbery or other violent
crime, would you call the police? Do you think you definitely would, probably
would, probably would not or definitely would not?
¥ Whites are
significantly more likely to contact the police in the event of a violent crime
than are blacks or Hispanics
First, respondents
were asked if they would notify the police if they were the victims of a
violent crime, and the results indicate that large majorities of each
respondent group say they would ÒdefinitelyÓ call the police in this
circumstance. However, there are significant differences to be found between
the groups.
Blacks and Hispanics
are significantly less inclined to say that they would ÒdefinitelyÓ contact the
police if they had suffered a violent crime than whites. Around three-fourths
of blacks (71 and 73 percent) and Hispanics
(72 percent) select this
response category. For whites, this number swells
to 87 and 91 percent.
A small percentage of
all groups say they Òdefinitely would notÓ contact the police, and these
respondents were posed a further question, asking them to offer reasons why.
The volunteered response categories included fear of retaliation, lack of
confidence in the police, and self-reliance. Although these responses are
certainly interesting, the number of respondents answering this question was
small, making it difficult to infer meaningful conclusions.
If you were the victim of a burglary or property crime would you
call the police? Do you think you definitely would, probably would, probably
would not or definitely would not?
¥ Whites are
significantly more likely to contact the police in the event of a non-violent
crime than are blacks or Hispanics
The results for this
question indicate that respondents are about as likely to call the police in
the event of a property or non-violent crime as they are a violent crime. Once
again however, significant differences between the groups can be found.
Between 72 and 77
percent of blacks say they would ÒdefinitelyÓ contact the police if they were
victims of a burglary or property crime, along with 68 percent of Hispanics.
The number of whites responding in this way is significantly higher, at 87 and
88 percent.
As with the previous
question, there were a small number of respondents who say they Òdefinitely
would notÓ contact the police if they suffered this type of crime. When they
were asked to give reasons for their choice, answer categories included lack of
faith in the police, the perception that nothing could be done by police, and
self-reliance.
Exhibit 3
shows the portions of each geo-racial group who would ÒdefinitelyÓ call the
police in the event of a violent or non-violent (or property) crime.
During the last 6 months, did you call the police to report
something that happened to YOU which you thought was a crime?
¥ Most respondents
had not called the police to report a crime in the previous 6 months
The vast majority of
all respondents say they had not called the police to report a crime within the
last 6 months, with no significant differences between groups.
More than 8 out of 10
respondents reply ÒnoÓ to this question: 84 and 86 percent of blacks, 82 and 84
percent of whites, and 84 percent of Hispanics.
During the last 6 months, did anything which you thought was
a crime happen to YOU, but you did NOT report to the police?
¥ Most respondents
had not experienced a crime against them in the previous 6 months that they
left unreported
This question tried to
determine if respondents had been victims of any crime in the six months prior
to the survey but had not reported it to the police.
Again, there are no
significant differences between groups, and the vast majority of all
respondents say they had not experienced a crime and that they left unreported.
Around 9 out of 10 respondents reply ÒnoÓ to this question: 89 and 92 percent
of blacks, 91 and 95 percent of whites, and 94 percent of Hispanics.
The Criminal Justice system: trust, fairness,
and interaction
In addition to
questions about local police, respondents were asked a parallel set of
questions about another mechanism for the implementation of justice in the
local criminal justice system—the courts. They were also asked a broader
question about the purpose of prison in society.
The following set of
results concerns the criminal justice system as a whole, including courts and
the administration of justice. Again, respondents gave their views on this
system, and reported interactions they may have had with it.
Trust
How much trust do you have in the judicial system and courts?
A
great deal, quite a lot, not very much, or none at all?
¥ Whites are
significantly more likely to trust in the judicial system and courts than
blacks and Hispanics
Blacks are the group
least likely to trust in the fairness of the judicial system and the courts. A
little over one-third of blacks (34 and 37 percent) report having a Ògreat
dealÓ or Òquite a lotÓ of trust in these entities.
Whites are
significantly more predisposed to express the higher levels of trust than
blacks, with close to two-thirds of white respondents (63 and 68 percent)
selecting these responses.
The opinions of
Hispanics fall somewhere between those of the other groups, but differ markedly
from both, at 51 percent. This means Hispanics are significantly more inclined
to have trust in the judicial system and courts than blacks, but they are
significantly less trusting than whites in this instance.
Exhibit 4
shows the combined results for the numbers of respondents saying they have a
Ògreat dealÓ or Òquite a lotÓ of trust in the judicial system and courts,
alongside the numbers who express the same levels of trust in local police. The
exhibit demonstrates that blacks and whites are more inclined to trust local police
than they are to trust the judicial system and the courts. A comparison of the
Hispanic responses, however, reveals they are more or less as apt to trust one
as the other.
Fairness
The following set of
questions asked blacks, whites, and Hispanics about their attitudes towards
local courts—did they have confidence that they would be fair to people
overall, and, specifically, to certain racial or ethnic groups?
How much confidence do you have that the courts in your community
will treat people fairly --- a great deal, a fair amount, just some, or very
little confidence?
¥ Whites are
significantly more likely to have confidence in local courts than are blacks
and Hispanics
The findings for this
question reveal significant differences between the minority groups and the
white groups.
The confidence levels
of blacks and Hispanics are fairly close in this instance. Forty-five and 47
percent of blacks say they have Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence that
the courts in their communities can be relied upon to treat people fairly. This
is also the case for 40 percent of Hispanics.
Whites, on the other
hand, are significantly less inclined to hold this opinion, with only 19 and 22
percent saying they have Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence in the
fairness of local courts. They are around half as likely to choose these
responses than blacks or Hispanics.
How much confidence do you have that the courts in your community
will treat BLACKS fairly --- a great deal, a fair amount, just some, or very
little confidence?
¥ More than one-half of blacks say
they have only Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence that local courts treat
blacks fairly
This question was
directed only to black respondents. Although some have a Òfair amountÓ or a
Ògreat dealÓ of confidence in the fairness of local courts, those reporting
lower confidence levels in the local courts form a small majority.
Between 56 and 60
percent of blacks say they have only ÒsomeÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence that
courts could be trusted to treat black people fairly.
How much confidence do you have that the courts in your community
will treat HISPANICS fairly --- a great deal, a fair amount, just some, or very
little confidence?
¥ Nearly one-half of Hispanics say
they have only Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence that local courts treat
Hispanics fairly
This question was
directed only to Hispanic respondents. The results are fairly evenly
distributed between those who express higher degrees of confidence on one hand,
and those who are less inclined to have confidence in the courts.
Ultimately, nearly
one-half of Hispanics (46 percent) report having Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ
confidence that Hispanics would receive fair treatment should they have
dealings with the court system.
Exhibit 5
shows the percentages of blacks and Hispanics who say they have Òjust someÓ or
Òvery littleÓ confidence that courts would treat people fairly. As a
comparison, results are also given for the blacks and Hispanics who select
these responses in relation to court treatment of their own respective racial
and ethnic groups.
It is interesting to
note that black respondents are more likely to say they have Òjust someÓ or
Òvery littleÓ confidence in local courts when they are considering the
treatment blacks might expect to receive. Many blacks exhibit low levels of
confidence in the fairness of courts in general, but this number rises by 11
and 13 percent when looking specifically at their own racial group. The number
for Hispanics also rises in relation to the treatment of Hispanics in court,
although by a lesser degree of 6 percent.
How much confidence do you have that the courts in your community
will treat HISPANICS and BLACKS fairly --- a great deal, a fair amount, just
some, or very little confidence?
¥ Whites are significantly more
likely to believe that local courts treat blacks and Hispanics fairly than
blacks and Hispanics
are themselves
Whites were also
asked about their perceptions of the treatment of blacks and Hispanics in the
local courts, to see if their perceptions differed from those of blacks and
Hispanics themselves.
Overall, whites are
significantly less likely to doubt that local courts would treat blacks and
Hispanics fairly. The majority of whites tend to view the fairness of courts
favorably, with only 23 and 30 percent of white respondents saying they have
Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ confidence that blacks and Hispanics would receive
fair treatment.
Interaction
In the last five years have you or anyone in your immediate familyÉ
Served on a jury?
¥ Hispanics are significantly less
likely to have served on a jury in the last five years than blacks or whites
There appears to be
little difference between the percentages of blacks and whites who have
personally served on a jury (or have an immediate family member who has done
so).
Twenty-one percent of
OLR-blacks say they or a family member have served on a jury over the last five
years, making them somewhat less likely to have done so than OLR-whites, 26
percent of whom answer ÒyesÓ. Of those blacks and whites living within the city
limits of Little Rock, 23 percent of blacks and 35 percent of whites also say
ÒyesÓ.
There is one
statistically significant difference between geo-racial groups. Very few
Hispanics say they have served on a jury or have an immediate family member who
has, with only 5 percent answering ÒyesÓ to this question.
Been a sworn witness in court?
¥ Hispanics are significantly less
likely to have been a sworn witness in court in the last five years than are
whites or blacks
The numbers of black
and white respondents who have appeared as sworn witnesses in court yield no
significant differences. Between 16 and 17 percent of blacks have been
witnesses, along with 15 and 17 percent of whites.
Following a pattern
seen elsewhere in this series of questions, Hispanics are the group least
likely to have acted as witnesses in court. Only 8 percent of Hispanics or any
of their immediate family members have been sworn witnesses, making them
significantly less likely to have been than have blacks or whites.
Attended court on a criminal matter, excluding minor traffic
violations and jury duty?
¥ Hispanics are
significantly less likely to have attended court on a criminal matter than are
blacks
Black respondents are
somewhat, though not significantly, more likely to have appeared in court on a
criminal matter than their white counterparts. Between 22 and 23 percent of
black respondents respond ÒyesÓ to this question, along with 15 and 16 percent
of whites.
The number of
Hispanics attending court was similar to that of whites, but significantly less
than that of blacks, at 14 percent.
Been questioned by the police for any reason?
The question did not
call for respondents to differentiate between being questioned by the police as
a suspect or as a witness or for any other reason.
Close to two-thirds
of all respondent groups said they have never been questioned by the police for
any reason. This was true for 62 and 63 percent of blacks, 64 and 65 percent of
whites, and 62 percent of Hispanics.
Been arrested?
¥ Blacks and
Hispanics are significantly more likely to report that they have been arrested
in the last five years than are whites
Significant
differences can be seen in the number of respondents who report having been
arrested in the last five years.
Blacks and Hispanics
have shared similar experiences, with around 1 in 5 blacks (at 21-23 percent)
and Hispanics (at 19 percent) reporting they have been arrested.
However, the number
of whites who say they have been arrested is significantly lower—with
around 1 in 10 (9 and 11 percent) answering ÒyesÓ to this question.
Served time in jail or prison?
¥ More than 1 in 5 blacks have been
in jail or prison in the last five years
This question did not
require respondents to distinguish between jail time and prison time.
Black respondents are
significantly more likely to report that they have spent time in jail or prison
than either whites or Hispanics.
Notably, between 22
and 23 percent of blacks say they have been in jail or prison. The number of
whites who have served jail time is nearly half that—
at 8 and 9
percent.
Thirteen percent of
Hispanics report having served prison or jail time, meaning they are somewhat
more likely to have done so than whites. However, they are still significantly
less likely to have been sent to prison or jail than blacks.
Been on probation or parole?
¥ More than 1 in 5 blacks have been
on probation or parole in the last five years
Once again,
significant differences emerge between the groups. Between 21 and 23 percent of
blacks report having been given community supervision sentences in the course
of the last five years. The number of whites serving parole or probation is
nearly one-half of that, with around 1 in 10 whites (9 and 13 percent)
answering ÒyesÓ to this question.
Fourteen percent of
Hispanics have been handed a sentence of this kind showing no significant
differences between whites and Hispanics, or Hispanics and LR-blacks.
Exhibit 6 shows the portions of each group that
have either been arrested and/or sentenced at any point in their lives. These
figures clearly show that blacks are significantly and dramatically more likely
to have experienced either or both of these events than whites.
Perspectives on
prison
In your opinion, what should be the MAIN purpose of sending a person
to prison: to PUNISH the individual, to REHABILITATE the individual so he might
become a productive citizen, to keep him locked up in order to PROTECT SOCIETY
from future crimes he might commit, or TO DETER
others who might commit
crimes?
¥ Blacks and
Hispanics are significantly more likely to say the purpose of prison should be
rehabilitation than whites
Respondents were
asked to consider the main goal of incarceration in society—should it be
for punishment, serve to rehabilitate offenders, protect society from the
actions of offenders, or act as a warning to anyone thinking of committing
crime?
Two out of 10
respondents believe that prison should be about punishing offenders, however, a
substantial portion of blacks and Hispanics believe that its goal should be
rehabilitation.
Both blacks and
Hispanics are
significantly more likely to favor a rehabilitative
approach than whites. Approximately one-half of blacks (46
and 50
percent) and Hispanics (52 percent) select this response.
These results are
displayed graphically in Exhibit 7.
Occupational Ties
to Law Enforcement
Are you or someone
in your immediate family active in Law Enforcement such as a police officer,
administrator, or judge?
¥ Blacks and
LR-whites are significantly more likely to work in law enforcement or have a
family member who does than are Hispanics
Large majorities of
all groups say they do not work in law enforcement, nor do they have close
relatives who do.
Similar portions of
blacks and whites respond ÒnoÓ to this question—78 and 81 percent for
blacks and 81 and 85 percent for whites.
Greater differences
can be seen between the numbers of blacks and Hispanics working in this
field—89 percent of Hispanics answer ÒnoÓ, meaning they are significantly
less likely to have ties to law enforcement than blacks.
CRIME: PERCEPTIONS
AND INCIDENCE
It is probably fair
to say that the ultimate goal of law enforcement and the criminal justice
system is to make the communities they serve safe places to live, work, and
socialize. Crime is a major threat to this safety. The following set of
questions asked for respondentsÕ perceptions about their vulnerability to
crime; and about any incidences of crime they may have experienced.
Perceptions of Crime
How would you rate
the crime problem in your own community where you live? Would you say itÕs very
bad, bad, not too bad, or not bad at all?
Respondents were
asked to consider the extent of the crime problem in their own neighborhoods.
The majority of blacks, whites, and Hispanics are in agreement, saying that
crime in their neighborhoods is Ònot too badÓ or Ònot bad at allÓ. This is true
for 73 and 80 percent of blacks, 79 and 82 percent of whites, and 74 percent of
Hispanics, with no significant differences between geo-racial groups.
How concerned are you, if at all, about becoming a victim of a
crime? Are you very concerned, somewhat concerned, not too concerned, or not at
all concerned about this?
¥ Blacks are
significantly more likely to say they are Òvery concernedÓ about becoming the
victim of a crime than are whites or Hispanics
Although the majority
of blacks, whites, and Hispanics say that crime rates in their neighborhoods
are moderately low, significant differences emerge when respondents were asked
how concerned they are about being the victim of an actual crime. The greatest
differences are evident among those who say they are Òvery concernedÓ about the
prospect of being a victim of crime.
Blacks are the
respondent group most likely to be Òvery concernedÓ about being the victims of
crime, by a significant margin. Around one-third of blacks (32 and 33 percent)
express this level of concern. This percentage drops significantly for
Hispanics, but slightly more than one-fifth (21 percent) do acknowledge feeling
particularly vulnerable to crime.
Whites emerge as the
group who are least likely to be Òvery concernedÓ about being the victims of
crime; in fact they are significantly less likely to select this response than
either blacks or Hispanics. However, there are also significant differences
within the white groups. OLR-whites are nearly twice as likely as LR-whites to
be concerned to this extent—only 9 percent of whites living within Little
Rock say they are Òvery concernedÓ, compared with 17 percent of those living
outside the city limits.
Incidence of Crime
Having asked respondents
about how concerned they felt, the following questions asked if either they or
members of their immediate family had actually been the victims of crime.
Although it is
interesting to see if perceptions parallel or diverge from incidence, it is
difficult to infer any conclusions by comparing the results of these questions.
For one thing, respondents may or may not be reporting crimes that occurred in
Pulaski County. In addition, crimes committed elsewhere may or may not have any
bearing on how concerned respondents are with being a crime victim.
It is also worth
bearing in mind that answers to the following pair of questions may be affected
by respondentsÕ own interpretations of what constitutes a crime. Although
respondents were given basic definitions of Ònon-violent crimeÓ and Òviolent
crimeÓ, it is certainly possible that one respondent may consider an incident a
crime that is not perceived as such by another.
Have you or a member of your immediate family been a victim of a
violent crime?
¥ The majority of
respondents have never been victims of violent crime, nor had a family member
who has
When this question
was posed, violent crimes were defined as any crime in which a perpetrator uses
or threatens to use violent force.
Across the board, the
majority of respondents say neither they nor any of their immediate family have
been victims of a violent crime. This was true for at least three-fourths of
Hispanics, whites and LR-blacks, and two-thirds of OLR-blacks. However, it
cannot be overlooked that there are a number of respondents who report that
either they or someone in their immediate family have been victims of violent
crime.
Between 19 and 22
percent of whites say they fall into this category, along with 22 percent of
Hispanics and 24 percent of LR-blacks. There are several significant
differences that become evident when comparing the results of the OLR-black
group, 33 percent of whom answer ÒyesÓ to this question. OLR-blacks (or their
immediate family members) are more likely to have been a victim of this kind of
crime than their Little Rock counterparts, and are significantly more likely to
have experienced this than Hispanics or OLR-whites.
Have you or a member of your family been a victim of a
non‐violent
crime?
¥ Whites are
significantly more likely to have been victims of non-violent crime than blacks
or Hispanics
Non-violent crimes
were defined as any crime where the use or threat of violent force is absent.
Crimes falling into this category would include property crimes and identity
theft.
When respondents were
asked about any non-violent crime that either they or family members might have
experienced, the results are somewhat different from the previous question.
Thirty-eight and 45
percent of blacks report that they or a family member have been victims of a
non-violent crime. This figure is significantly lower than for Hispanics,
around one-fourth of whom (24 percent) answer ÒyesÓ to this question.
Although almost
one-half of blacks and almost one-fourth of Hispanics report being victims of
non-violent crime, they are both significantly less likely to do so than
whites. In fact, more than one-half of OLR-whites (55 percent) and close to
two-thirds of LR-whites (63 percent) in this study say they have fallen victim
to this type of crime.
Exhibit 8 gives
the results for those respondents who report that either they or an immediate
family member have been victims of violent and/or non-violent crime. Comparing
these results suggests that Hispanics and OLR-blacks or their family members
are, broadly speaking, about as likely to be have been victims of a violent
crime as a non-violent crime. The remaining groups differ greatly however.
LR-blacks are almost twice as likely to report non-violent crime as violent
crime. The differences within the white groups are even larger. LR-whites
report incidences of non-violent crime more than three times as often as they
do violent crime. OLR-whites are also far more likely to report non-violent
crime than violent, by 33 percent.
ILLEGAL DRUGS: REGULATION, LEGALIZATION, AND USE
Illegal drug use is a
domain of criminal activity that often makes national and local headlines, and
its regulation is a hot topic from the sidewalk to the White House.
Survey respondents
gave their opinions about certain aspects of drug regulation and about the
penalties incurred for violating this regulation. In a series of particularly
sensitive questions, they were also asked if they had ever tried any of a list
of illegal drugs themselves.
Regulation
All in all, should illegal drug use be treated more like a crime or
more like a disease?
Differences in
responses to this question can be seen among those who say that illegal drug
use should be treated Òmore like a crimeÓ than a disease.
For the most part,
the percentages of each group who view illegal drug use as a criminal issue are
somewhat similar. Between 35 and 40 percent of blacks and 45 percent of
Hispanics give this answer. The number of LR-whites selecting this response is
also comparable, at 39 percent.
The exception to this
pattern are OLR-whites, the majority of whom (54 percent) favor a punitive
approach to the management of illegal drug use. This marks a significant
departure from their LR-white counterparts, and makes them the only group to
select this response as a majority.
Some states are moving AWAY from the idea of mandatory prison
sentences for non-violent drug offenders. Do you think this is a good thing or
a bad thing?
¥ Hispanics are significantly less
likely to say such a move would be a Ògood thingÓ than are blacks or whites
The majority of
blacks and whites prefer a Òno incarcerationÓ policy for drug offenders who
have not committed any violent crimes. Having said this, there are some
significant differences to be found within these groups.
Fifty-six percent of
OLR-blacks and 61 percent of LR-blacks say it is a Ògood thingÓ states are
moving away from mandatory imprisonment in these circumstances. Here there was
a significant difference between LR-blacks and LR-whites, with LR-whites (at 70
percent) being more likely to favor leniency. There is also a divergence of
opinion within the white groups, as OLR-whites (at 59 percent) are
significantly less likely to respond this way than are LR-whites.
However, both sets of
black and white respondents are still significantly more likely to believe such
a move would be a Ògood thingÓ than are Hispanics. Only 36 percent of Hispanics
felt this type of offender should be spared a custodial sentence, with the
majority saying this strategy would be a Òbad thingÓ. These findings are
illustrated in Exhibit 9.
Legalization
Do you think the use of marijuana should be made legal, or not?
¥ Hispanics are
significantly more likely to say marijuana should not be legalized than are
blacks or whites
For black and white
respondents, opinions on the legalization of marijuana are more or less
bilaterally divided within each group. Close to one-half of these groups say
marijuana should be legalized; close to one-half say it should not. Of those
respondents favoring legalization, 48 and 51 percent are black, and 44 and 50
percent are white.
Hispanics however,
are significantly less receptive to the idea of legalizing marijuana than
either blacks or whites. Less than one-fourth (23 percent) believe marijuana
should be made legal, making them about half as likely to do so as their black
or white counterparts.
This question was
posed by Pew in 2010, and the findings suggest that Pulaski County blacks and whites
are somewhat more inclined to be pro-legalization than those surveyed
nationally. In the Pew survey, 41 percent of blacks and 42 percent of whites
advocate the legalization of marijuana.
In keeping with the
pattern of local results, Hispanics in the Pew study were the group least
likely to be in favor of legalization. However, counter to the tendency evident
in the black and white groups, Pulaski County Hispanics are less likely to
respond this way than their national counterparts.
Regardless of what you think about the personal non-medical use of
marijuana, do you think doctors should or should not be allowed to prescribe
marijuana for medical purposes to treat their patients?
¥ Hispanics are
significantly less likely to say marijuana should be legalized for medical
purposes than are blacks or whites
When respondents were
asked about marijuana prescribed by a doctor for medical purposes (as opposed
to personal, non-medical usage), the majority of the respondents favor
legalization. Substantial majorities of each respondent group say doctors
should be allowed to administer marijuana to their patients. However, the
distribution of responses within and between each geo-racial group remains
similar to that of the previous question.
Seventy-six percent
of LR-blacks and 82 percent of OLR-blacks consider medical marijuana use
acceptable, along with 76 and 77 percent of whites.
Although a majority
of Hispanics (63 percent) says medical marijuana should be available, they are
significantly less inclined to be pro-legalization than either blacks or
whites.
This hypothetical
scenario was played out in reality when Arkansans were asked to vote on the
Arkansas Medical Marijuana Act in November of 2012. Interestingly, the Pulaski
County respondents in this study tend to have a more permissive attitude toward
the legalization of marijuana for medical purposes than Pulaski County
residents who voted in the election—57 percent of whom supported
legalization. This is markedly lower than for the black and white respondents in
this study, and somewhat lower than
for Hispanics.
Exhibit 10 shows
the portions of each geo-racial group who would be in favor of legalizing
marijuana completely alongside those who say doctors should be allowed to use
it to treat patients.
Personal use of illegal drugs
Having asked
respondents about their opinions on general matters related to illegal drug use
and regulation, they were then asked if they had ever tried certain illegal
drugs themselves.
The results given
below should be viewed with certain caveats in mind. The concept of Òsocial
desirability biasÓ is well established in the social sciences. Many research
studies have determined that, when surveyed, people will often emphasize what
they perceive to be desirable or socially acceptable attitudes and behaviors.
Correlatively, they are prone to downplay or underreport attitudes and
behaviors they believe are likely to be deemed socially unacceptable. Research
indicates that this tendency is amplified when the questions pertain to illegal
matters. This being the case, it is possible that some respondents answering
questions about personal drug use may have underreported their behaviors.
Have you, yourself, ever happened to try marijuana?
Have you, yourself, ever tried powder cocaine/crack cocaine?
Have you, yourself, ever tried crystal methamphetamine?
¥ LR-whites are the
group most likely to say they have tried marijuana
¥ Respondents are
more likely to say they have tried marijuana than any other drug
¥ Vast majorities of
all groups say they have not tried cocaine or crystal methamphetamine
Overwhelming majorities of each
respondent group say they have never tried cocaine or crystal methamphetamine
and no significant differences emerge between or within the groups.
Between 7 and 8
percent of blacks say that they have tried powder cocaine, along with 9 and 12
percent of whites, and 8 percent of Hispanics. Comparatively, 4 percent of
blacks, 2 percent of whites, and 3 percent of Hispanics say they have used
crack cocaine.
The results are
similar once again in relation to the use of crystal methamphetamine, with very
few respondents admitting to having tried the drug. Those who say they have
tried the drug total 1 percent for blacks, 4 and 7 percent for whites, and 4
percent for Hispanics.
The question of
marijuana use, however, elicits very different results. First, many more
respondents report having used marijuana than any of the other drugs. Second,
although a large portion of all respondents say they have tried marijuana,
significant differences can be seen among the groups.
The number of black
respondents who say they have tried marijuana is less than one-half, at 42 and
48 percent. For whites, a significantly greater number of LR-whites (52
percent) than OLR-whites (40 percent) say they have tried marijuana.
The responses of
Hispanics diverge significantly from those of the other groups. With only 23
percent saying they have ever tried the drug, they are the group least likely
to do so.
Exhibit 11
shows the percentages of each geo-racial group who say they have tried
marijuana, powder or crack cocaine, and crystal methamphetamine.
PERCEPTIONS OF UNFAIR TREATMENT
As mentioned in the
introduction, certain questions have been revisited at intervals throughout the
course of the surveyÕs history, in an effort to see if there has been any shift
in attitudes and perceptions over time. This year sees a return to a set of questions
on occurrences of unfair treatment in a variety of everyday situations.
These questions were asked in Year 1,
Year 5, Year 7, and Year 8 of the study and were directed to the black and, in
year 8, Hispanic groups. Whites are not asked these questions because previous
findings suggest a very low percentage report feeling unfairly treated in their
community because of their race.
When presented with a variety of common
situations, the majority of blacks and Hispanics report they had not been
victims of unfair treatment because of their racial or ethnic background within
the last 30 days. However, it is important to focus on the respondents that do
report unfair treatment, in some cases, up to a rate of 23 percent.
Now thinking
about your own personal experiences, can you think of any occasion in the last
30 days when you were treated unfairly because you were HISPANIC/BLACK. . .
In a store where you were shopping?
At your place of work?
In a restaurant, bar, theater, or other
entertainment place?
In dealing with the police, such as traffic
incidents?
While getting health care for yourself or a
family member?
Although there are no
significant differences, both black groups are somewhat more likely to report
they had experienced discrimination when shopping in stores or while visiting
entertainment venues than Hispanics. Between 20 and 23 percent of blacks, and
14 percent of Hispanics say they had received unfair treatment while out
shopping during the time period in question. Nineteen and 23 percent of blacks,
and 14 percent of Hispanics report the same experience at entertainment venues.
These small
differences are mainly leveled out when respondents were asked about their
experiences in the work place—17 and 18 percent of blacks, and 17 percent
of Hispanics report suffering unfair treatment while on the job.
Results for all
groups are also fairly similar when recalling interactions with the police,
though the incidence of discrimination is slightly lower in this situation.
Between 12 and 14 percent of blacks, and 11 percent of Hispanics say they had
been treated unfairly when dealing with police officers.
The first significant
difference in experiences appears between and among the groups when respondents
were asked about experiencing unfair treatment while receiving health care.
Both OLR-blacks and
Hispanics are significantly more likely to say they have been treated unfairly
when seeking health care than LR-blacks (at 7 percent). Thirteen percent of
OLR-blacks report that they had recently experienced unfair treatment in this
situation, along with 15 percent of Hispanics.
Exhibit 12
shows the breakout for reports of unfair treatment by geo-racial group and
situation.
When these questions
were posed in Year 8 of the survey, the results were taken and combined to see
how many incidences of unfair treatment were reported overall, regardless of in
which specific situation the unfair treatment occurred. This process was repeated
with the Year 10 findings, and a comparison of the two sets of results can be
seen in Exhibit 13.
Exhibit 13 shows small but encouraging downturns
in the number of incidences of unfair treatment blacks are reporting. This
year, LR black respondents are somewhat less likely to report single or
multiple occasions when they have felt unfairly treated compared to Year 8.
Unfortunately, this does not hold true
for Hispanics who are actually less likely to report zero discrimination
situations this year than they were in Year 8, by 11 percentage points.
Shopping in stores É
Since Year 1, when
these questions were first fielded, there have been small fluctuations in the
number of black respondents reporting unfair treatment while shopping in
stores. In Year 1, 30 percent of LR-blacks said they had suffered
discriminatory treatment in stores. In Year 2, this number had fallen by nine
percentage points. For OLR-blacks, the change is more pronounced. Year 1 saw 32
percent reporting unfair treatment in stores, but encouragingly, this rate had
fallen by 16 percentage points by Year 3. Unfortunately, this downward trend
did not hold, and in Year 5 the number of OLR-blacks reporting unfair treatment
had risen to 27 percent. However, a slight decline can be observed from Year 1
to Year 8, when 24 and 25 percent of blacks
reported unfair
treatment while out shopping. This positive trend continues, albeit cautiously,
in the current yearÕs results, where there is a 9 to 10 percentage point drop
for blacks respondents since Year 1.
For Hispanics, there
was very little change in the numbers reporting unfair treatment while
shopping. However, there is a slight decline in the incidence rate, of 5
percentage points.
At work É
Since Year 1, only
slight variations can be seen in responses to this question, when close to
one-fourth of black participants (24 and 26 percent) reported being the victims
of discrimination at their workplace.
However, a noticeable
decline in these percentages occurred between Year 5, when 24 percent of
LR-blacks said they had experienced unfair treatment at work, and Year 7, when
this number fell to 16 percent. For OLR-blacks, there was a slightly larger
decline of 11 percentage points (from 27 to 16 percent). In Year 8, no real
change occurred, and that is also true of the current year. However, this does
indicate fewer blacks feel they have endured unfair treatment in the workplace
today than they did 10 years ago.
Compared to Year 8,
the number of Hispanic respondents reporting unfair treatment in the workplace
also remained more or less constant, with an increase of only 2 percentage
points.
At Entertainment Venues É
For the most part,
there has been very little change in the numbers of black respondents reporting
unfair treatment when they visit entertainment venues such as restaurants,
bars, or the theater. However, it is interesting to note that there has been a
marked decline in the number of OLR-blacks saying they have been discriminated
against in this type of situation between Year 7 and Year 8. The percentage of
OLR-blacks reporting unfair treatment at entertainment venues peaked at 29
percent in Year 7. In Year 8, there was an encouraging drop, to 17 percent.
This year, there was very little change in these results.
Once again, Hispanic
experiences of unfair treatment in a specified situation changed little. In
Year 8, 12 percent of Hispanics had experienced unfair treatment at an
entertainment venue, compared to 14 percent this year.
When Dealing with Police É
The percentages of
black respondents reporting racially motivated unfair treatment when dealing
with the police has changed to some degree over the years, though not
dramatically.
In Year 1 there was a
noticeable divergence in the opinions of LR and OLR-blacks. OLR-blacks were
more likely to report police discrimination than their Little Rock
counterparts, with close to 1 in 5 saying they had experienced unfair treatment
in their encounters with law enforcement. Over time, this gap narrows. In Year
2, 16 percent of LR-blacks reported unfair treatment, twice as many as the
previous year, bringing them more in line with the opinions of OLR-blacks.
Apart from this increase, since Year 2 the portion of LR-blacks noting unfair
treatment in this context remains more or less constant. The figures for
OLR-blacks do not vary greatly either. However, there is an increase of seven
percentage points from Year 5 to Year 7 (14 percent to 21 percent) for the
OLR-black group. Year 8 results did not deviate significantly from this trend,
nor did the results really change for LR-blacks this year. There is, however, a
small decrease in the numbers of OLR-blacks reporting unfair treatment in this
context for Year 10, a drop of seven percentage points.
Little change can be
seen in the number of Hispanics reporting discrimination when interacting with
the police from Year 8 (13 percent) to this year (11 percent).
When Seeking Healthcare É
The percentages of
black respondents reporting unfair treatment while seeking medical care for
himself/herself or a family member remain mostly unchanged from year to year.
In Year 2, the
opinions of both groups were fairly similar, with 17 percent of LR-blacks and
20 percent of OLR-blacks noting discriminatory treatment when dealing with
health care professionals. The only noticeable deviation from these percentages
occurred between Years 7 and 8, when there was a drop of eight percentage
points for OLR-blacks. This year however, sees a small decline of 6 percent in
the number of LR-blacks reporting unfair treatment while seeking health care,
and a small increase of 4 percent for OLR-blacks.
For the first time, a
noticeable shift in HispanicsÕ opinions can be observed. In Year 8, eight
percent of Hispanics reported receiving unfair treatment while seeking health
care. Unfortunately, this percentage has nearly doubled this year, where 15
percent of Hispanics note unfair treatment in this context.
APPENDIX: DATA
ANALYSIS AND DEMOGRAPHICS
The data were weighted for age and
gender for each of the five geo-racial groups in order to bring the sample
representations in line with the actual population proportions in Pulaski
County. The 2009-2011 American Community Survey 3-year estimates provided the
sample estimates that formed the basis for weighting. There were 7 age groups:
18 to 29 years of age, 30 to 34, 35 to 44, 45 to 54, 55 to 64, 65 to 74 and 75
+. This resulted in a total of 70 weighted groups (7 age groups x 2 gender
categories x 5 geo-racial groups). Weighting values ranged from 0.24 for black
women age 65-74 years old living outside the city limits of Little Rock to
10.09 for white females aged 18 to 29 living outside the city limits of Little
Rock.
The tables display the basic demographic
characteristics of each geo-racial group. The tables show the sample breakdown
for the following variables: age, gender, marital status, education and income.
?
TRENDS
?
TRENDS
0% 25% 50% 75% 100%
LR-blacks
LR-whites
OLR-blacks
OLR-whites
Hispanics
38%
43%
51%
65%
35%
39%
56%
69%
54%
41%
Try to be helpful Try to be fair
Exhibit 1: Percentages saying people Òtry to be helpfulÓ
and Òtry to be fairÓ
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
LR-blacks OLR-blacks Hispanic
Treat People fairly
46% 50% 42% Treat Blacks fairly
57% 56% —
Treat Hispanics fairly
— — 50%
?
?
?
Exhibit 3: Percentages saying they would ÒdefinitelyÓ call
the police if they were victims of a violent and/or property crime
LR-blacks
LR-whites
OLR-blacks
OLR-whites
Hispanics
0% 25% 50% 75% 100%
Victim of Violent Crime Victim of Property Crime
?
68%
71%
72%
72%
73%
77%
87%
87%
88%
91%
?
Exhibit 4: Percentages saying they have a Ògreat dealÓ and
Òquite a lotÓ of trust in the judicial system and
the police
0% 25% 50% 75% 100%
LR-blacks
LR-whites
OLR-blacks
OLR-whites
Hispanics
37%
47%
68%
83%
34%
53%
63%
84%
51%
53%
Judicial system Police
?
?
?
Exhibit 5: Percentages having Òjust someÓ or Òvery littleÓ
confidence in courts treating blacks/Hispanics fairly
LR-blacks OLR-blacks Hispanics
Treat People fairly
45% 47% 40% Treat Blacks fairly
56% 60% —
Treat Hispanics fairly
— — 46%
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
Exhibit 6: Percentages saying they have been arrested
and/or sentenced
LR-blacks LR-whites OLR-blacks OLR-whites
Hispanics
Been arrested 21% 9% 23%
11% 19%
Served time in jail or prison
22% 9% 23% 8% 13%
Been on probation or parole
21% 9% 23% 13% 14%
?
?
Exhibit 7: Opinions about the main purpose of prison
0% 25% 50% 75% 100%
LR-blacks
LR-whites
OLR-blacks
OLR-whites
Hispanics
21%
46%
Punish Rehabilitate Protect Deter
25%
4%
22%
31%
38%
6%
21%
50%
22%
2%
19%
38%
35%
5%
19%
52%
23%
3%
?
?
?
?
?
?
Exhibit 8: Percentages saying they have been victims of violent and/or
non-violent crime
0% 25% 50% 75% 100%
LR-blacks
LR-whites
OLR-blacks
OLR-whites
Hispanics
24%
45%
19%
63%
33%
38%
22%
55%
22%
24%
Victim of Violent Crime Victim of Non-violent crime
?
?
Exhibit 9: Percentages saying moving away from mandatory
sentences for non-violent drug offenders is a Ògood thingÓ
0% 25% 50% 75% 100%
LR-blacks
LR-whites
OLR-blacks
OLR-whites
Hispanics
61%
70%
56%
59%
36%
?
Exhibit 10: Percentages supporting legalization
0% 25% 50% 75% 100%
LR-blacks
LR-whites
OLR-blacks
OLR-whites
Hispanics
48%
76%
50%
77%
51%
82%
44%
76%
23%
63%
General Legalization Medical Legalization
?
Exhibit 11: Percentages reporting having ever tried specified
drugs
0% 25% 50% 75% 100%
LR-blacks
LR-whites
OLR-blacks
OLR-whites
Hispanics
42%
8%
Marijuana Powder Cocaine Crack Cocaine Crystal Methamphetamine
4%
1%
52%
12%
2%
7%
48%
7%
4%
1%
40%
9%
2%
4%
23%
8%
3%
4%
?
Exhibit 12: Percentages reporting Unfair Treatment
0% 25% 50% 75% 100%
Stores
Workplace
Entertainment
places
Dealings
with police
Getting
health care
20%
LR-blacks OLR-blacks Hispanics
23%
14%
17%
18%
17%
23%
19%
14%
14%
12%
11%
7%
13%
15%
TRENDS
Exhibit 13: Number of discrimination situations experienced in
past 30 days
No
situations
At
least one situation
At
least two situations
Three
or more situations
Year
10 Year 8
Year
10 Year 8
Year
10 Year 8
Year
10 Year 8
LR-blacks 57% 51% 38%
44% 21% 27% 9% 15%
LR-whites 54% 55% 30%
40% 16% 25% 7% 13%
OLR-blacks 55% 66% 35%
30% 18% 17% 9% 9%
LR-blacks 57% 51% 38%
44% 21% 27% 9% 15%
OLR-blacks 54% 55% 30%
40% 16% 25% 7% 13%
Hispanics 55% 66% 35%
30% 18% 17% 9% 9%
Year
10 Year 8
No
situations
At
least one situation
At
least two situations
Three
or more situations
Year
10 Year 8
Year
10 Year 8
Year
10 Year 8
Exhibit 14: Percentages of Blacks Reporting Unfair Treatment in
Stores, Year 1 – Year 8
50%
45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%
Y1 Y2 Y3 Y5 Y7 Y8 Y10
— Stores (OLR-blacks) — Stores (LR-blacks)
Exhibit 15: Percentages of
Blacks Reporting Unfair Treatment at Work, Year 1 – Year 8
50%
45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%
Y1 Y2 Y3 Y5 Y7 Y8 Y10
— Work (OLR-blacks) — Work (LR-blacks)
Exhibit 16: Percentages of Blacks Reporting Unfair Treatment in
Dealings with Police,
Year 1 – Year 8
50%
45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%
Y1 Y2 Y3 Y5 Y7 Y8 Y10
— Police (OLR-blacks) — Police (LR-blacks)
Exhibit 17: Percentages of Blacks and Hispanics Reporting Unfair
Treatment in Stores, Year 1 – Year 8
50%
45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%
Y1 Y2 Y3 Y5 Y7 Y8 Y10
— Health (Hispanics) — Health (OLR-blacks) — Health (LR-blacks)
LR-blacks LR-whites OLR-blacks OLR-whites
Hispanics
Male 44% 49% 44% 49% 59%
Female 56% 51% 56% 51% 41%
A2: Gender
LR-blacks LR-whites OLR-blacks OLR-whites
Hispanics
18-29 29% 21% 25% 19%
37%
30-34 10% 9% 13% 8% 16%
35-44 18% 15% 20% 17%
24%
45-54 19% 17% 19% 20%
13%
55-64 15% 17% 14% 18% 5%
65-74 6% 10% 6% 10% 2%
75+ 4% 10% 4% 9% 2%
A1: Age
A3: Marital Status
LR-blacks LR-whites OLR-blacks OLR-whites
Hispanics
Married 29% 49% 30% 53% 42%
Divorced 13% 11% 15%
11% 5%
Widowed 7% 9% 8% 9% 1%
Separated 5% 1% 4% 2%
1%
Never
been 40%
24% 31% 21% 29%
married
Member
of an 5%
5% 10% 3% 19%
unmarried
couple
Refused 2% 1% 3% 1% 4%
LR-blacks LR-whites OLR-blacks OLR-whites
Hispanics
Less than
High
School 6% 2% 10% 10% 35%
High School
graduate 32% 13% 32% 22% 31%
Some post-
high
school 31% 30% 31% 31% 16%
College Degree
or
more 30% 54% 25% 37% 15%
DonÕt
know/refused 2% 1% 2% 0% 2%
LR-blacks LR-whites OLR-blacks OLR-whites
Hispanics
$0 - $19,999 21%
8% 21% 11% 32%
$20,000 - $34,999 25%
15% 26% 20% 29%
$35,000 - $49,999 19%
10% 15% 15% 15%
$50,000 - $74,999 14%
22% 15% 16% 4%
$75,000 or more 10%
41% 16% 32% 8%
DonÕt know/refused
11% 4% 7% 7% 13%
A5: Income
A4: Education
University of Arkansas at Little Rock
Institute of Government
Institute on Race and Ethnicity