[{"id":3009,"date":"2026-02-01T18:53:01","date_gmt":"2026-02-02T00:53:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/?p=3009"},"modified":"2026-02-01T18:53:03","modified_gmt":"2026-02-02T00:53:03","slug":"the-uncertain-future-of-the-madison-jefferson-wall-of-church-and-state-commentary-on-oklahoma-statewide-charter-school-board-v-drummond","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2026\/02\/01\/the-uncertain-future-of-the-madison-jefferson-wall-of-church-and-state-commentary-on-oklahoma-statewide-charter-school-board-v-drummond\/","title":{"rendered":"The Uncertain Future of the Madison\u2013Jefferson Wall of Church and State: Commentary on Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board v. Drummond"},"content":{"rendered":"\nBy: Logan McMillian<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of Law, or UA Little Rock.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\nThe U.S. Supreme Court issued a decision, in May 2025, resolving the Drummond<\/em> case by an evenly divided 4-4 vote. Okla. Statewide Charter Sch. Bd. v. Drummond<\/em>, No. 24-394, 605 U.S. (May 22, 2025) (per curiam). Because of the divided court, the judgment of the lower court was affirmed. Id<\/em>. The lower court held that Oklahoma\u2019s approval of a publicly funded religious charter school violated the First Amendment\u2019s Establishment Clause, <\/em>effectively resulting in a win for Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond. Drummond ex rel. State of Okla. v. Okla. Statewide Virtual Charter Sch. Bd<\/em>., 558 P.3d 1, 15 (Okla. 2024). The Court\u2019s unsigned per curiam<\/em> decision contains no reasoning; it is merely an affirmation of the inferior court\u2019s decision. Id<\/em>. While this hands a victory to advocates of the Separation of Church and State Doctrine, the federal question surrounding the usage of tax payer dollars for religious charter schools remains unanswered.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe deadlock is significant because it publicly exposes the Court\u2019s ongoing struggle to reconcile religious liberties with the constitutional limitations on church and state separation. The opinion is significant because of the 4\u20134 split that occurred when Justice Amy Coney Barrett recused herself from the case. Her recusal deprived the Court of a precedential opinion and left the Court of Appeals\u2019 ruling intact. This raised public speculation as to why Justice Barrett, an outspoken and openly conservative person of faith, deprived the conservative bloc of a likely fifth vote. The per curiam<\/em> nature of the opinion reinforces this uncertainty: no justice authored a controlling rationale, and no binding doctrinal precedent emerged. This is because the court only issued an advisory opinion. As a result, the broader constitutional question\u2014whether states must allow religious charter schools\u2014remains unresolved, leaving the issue ripe for future litigation.<\/p>\n\n\n\nOver the past decade, the Supreme Court has dramatically reshaped how federal courts analyze Establishment Clause disputes, particularly when they intersect with the Free Exercise Clause. In Kennedy v. Bremerton School District<\/em>, the Court formally abandoned the Lemon test, which was the original framework that had guided Establishment Clause analysis for nearly fifty years, in favor of an approach grounded in \u201creference historical practices and understandings.\u201d Kennedy v. Bremerton School District<\/em>, 597 U.S. 507, 535 (2022). This solidified a trend toward expanding Free Exercise protections. Id<\/em>. Moreover, the Supreme Court extended this reasoning by striking down state restrictions that excluded religious schools from tax credit scholarship programs. Espinoza v. Mont. Dep’t of Revenue<\/em>, 591 U.S. 464, 509 (2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\nTogether, these cases represent a shift in judicial logic: Free Exercise rights are interpreted expansively, while Establishment Clause concerns are treated as secondary. Historically, the Court rationalized public funding of religious education as constitutionally suspect, but it now views exclusion of religious entities as discriminatory. Within this trajectory, Drummond<\/em> stands as an anomaly\u2014not because the Court endorsed a robust principle, but because the recusal froze the momentum of Free Exercise expansion. If no justice had recused his or herself, the Court may well have required Oklahoma to authorize a religious charter school, marking a dramatic doctrinal leap by compelling states to fund explicitly<\/em> religious schools. With that comes the question: how far does this go?<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe unresolved reasoning in Drummond<\/em> spotlights why the Madison\u2013Jefferson \u201cwall of separation\u201d remains a vital constitutional principle. Lindsey M. Wood, Free Exercise or Forced Establishment? Why the Supreme Court got <\/em>Carson v. Makin Wrong and What Vermont Can Do About It?<\/em>, 49 Vt. L. Rev. 424, 438. Jefferson\u2019s phrase emphasized that the government should neither favor nor disadvantage religion, and it was cited by the Supreme Court in Everson v. Board of Education<\/em> (1947). Maintaining separation is not an expression of hostility toward religion, but a safeguard for religious liberty itself. A state that funds one religious school may feel pressure to fund others, forcing taxpayers of diverse faiths to subsidize teachings with which they profoundly disagree. This entanglement risks both the autonomy of religious institutions and the neutrality of the state.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThe Oklahoma Supreme Court\u2019s decision preserved that wall, at least temporarily. But the Court\u2019s silence ensures the debate will return, likely in a case with nine participating justices. When it does, the constitutional stakes will be high: whether the Establishment Clause still imposes meaningful limits, or whether the Free Exercise Clause has been transformed into a mandate for government sponsorship of religion. Drummond<\/em> is less a decisive ruling than a pause in the Court\u2019s ongoing reconfiguration of church\u2013state law. The 4\u20134 split preserved Oklahoma\u2019s rejection of a Catholic charter school but left unresolved whether states nationwide may exclude sectarian schools from charter programs. Okla. Statewide Charter Sch. Bd.<\/em>, 605 U.S. (2025) (per curiam). Given the Court\u2019s recent trajectory, the Establishment Clause stands on precarious ground.<\/p>\n\n\n\nThus, this case reminds us why Jefferson\u2019s \u201cwall\u201d matters. Public education has long served as a unifying civic institution, accessible to all regardless of faith. Weakening the barrier between church and state risks fragmenting that common ground and entangling government with religion in ways the framers sought to prevent. The per curiam<\/em> tie in Drummond<\/em> leaves the wall standing, for now, but its future depends on whether the Court continues its drift toward dismantling one of the Constitution\u2019s most enduring protections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
By: Logan McMillian Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School … The Uncertain Future of the Madison\u2013Jefferson Wall of Church and State: Commentary on Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board v. Drummond<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1728,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,121,100],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3009","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-archive","category-blog-post","category-legal-comentary"],"yoast_head":"\nThe Uncertain Future of the Madison\u2013Jefferson Wall of Church and State: Commentary on Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board v. 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Bowen School of Law, or UA Little Rock.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Private prisons have sustained scrutiny over the past several decades due to persistent concerns regarding discrimination, safety, and sanitation. In response to these concerns, President Biden issued Executive Order 14006 in 2021, directing the Department of Justice to refrain from renewing contracts with privately owned prisons as a means of phasing out federal reliance on private detention facilities<em>. Exec. Order No. 14006<\/em>, 86 Fed. Reg. 7483 (Jan 26, 2021). However, this policy shift proved short-lived. A subsequent executive order issued under the Trump Administration rescinded Executive Order 14006 and restored the Department of Justice\u2019s (\u201cDOJ\u201d) authority to contract with private prisons. <em>Exec. Order No. 14148<\/em>, 90 Fed. Reg. 8237 (Jan 20, 2025). This commentary examines the legal implications of Trump\u2019s executive reversal, with particular focus on how executive orders function as a limited and fragile mechanism for reform. Executive orders enable administrations to advance political motives while failing to produce lasting changes in the social reform of private prisons.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Private prisons have been around for much of early American history. Gabriella Badmus, <em>Privatization and Flawed Punishment: An Economic Analysis and Critique of Private Prisons in the United States and the United Kingdom<\/em>, 44 Nw. J. Int’l L. & Bus. 129, 133. As general prison populations grew, \u201cprivate prisons became attractive alternatives to publicly run facilities as they were said to alleviate overcrowding and high operational costs.\u201d <em>Id.<\/em> at 134. By the 1980s, private prisons expanded under the Regan Administration\u2019s War on Drugs due to \u201covercriminalization of minor drug possession\u201d leading to \u201charsher sentences through the imposition of new mandatory minimum sentences.\u201d <em>Id.<\/em> at 133.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A 2016 executive summary by the Office of the Inspector General regarding privately operated institutions, also known as contract prisons, revealed deeply troubling disparities between private facilities and correctional facilities run by the Federal Bureau of Prisons (\u201cBOP\u201d). U.S. Dep\u2019t of Just., <em>Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons\u2019 Monitoring of Contract Prisons<\/em>. (Aug. 2016). <a href=\"https:\/\/goodtimesweb.org\/industrial-policy\/2016\/e1606.pdf\">https:\/\/goodtimesweb.org\/industrial-policy\/2016\/e1606.pdf<\/a>. The report found that \u201cin a majority of the categories we examined, we found that contract prisons incurred more safety and security incidents per capita than comparable BOP institutions.\u201d <em>Id. <\/em>at 44. The report further recommended enhanced monitoring and oversight of private facilities.<em> Id.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In 2021, President Biden attempted to curb the use of private prisons by the federal government through Executive Order 14006. The Order stated that \u201c[t]o decrease incarceration levels, we must reduce profit-based incentives to incarcerate by phasing out the Federal Government\u2019s reliance on privately operated criminal detention facilities.\u201d <em>Exec. Order No. 14006<\/em>, 86 Fed. Reg. 7483 (Jan. 26, 2021). The Order was intended to prioritize rehabilitation, redemption, and equitable access to correctional services, programs, and resources, areas where private prisons consistently underperformed. <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Although Executive Order 14006 severed DOJ contracts with private prisons, the order did not terminate contracts maintained through Immigration and Customs Enforcement (\u201cICE\u201d), thereby leaving private prisons as a central mechanism of federal immigration detention. Kyle Virgien & Nina Patel, President Biden’s Order to Ban Private Prisons Faces a Persistent Internal Challenge: The U.S. Marshals Service, ACLU (Mar 1, 2024), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aclu.org\/news\/criminal-law-reform\/president-bidens-order-to-ban-private-prisons-faces-a-persistent-internal-challenge-the-u-s-marshals-service\">https:\/\/www.aclu.org\/news\/criminal-law-reform\/president-bidens-order-to-ban-private-prisons-faces-a-persistent-internal-challenge-the-u-s-marshals-service<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Within the first twenty-four hours of President Trump\u2019s second term, Executive Order 14006 was revoked along with dozens of other Biden-era executive orders. <em>Exec. Order No. 14148<\/em>, 90 Fed. Reg. 8237 (Jan. 20, 2025). The resurgence of private prisons under the Trump Administration is further highlighted by the nomination of Attorney General Pam Bondi, who previously lobbied for GEO Group, one of the largest private prison corporations in the United States. Lauren-Brooke Eisen, <em>Trump Reverses Biden Order that Eliminated DOJ Contracts with Private Prisons<\/em>, Brennan Center for Justice (Jan. 30, 2025) <a href=\"https:\/\/www.brennancenter.org\/our-work\/analysis-opinion\/trump-reverses-biden-order-eliminated-doj-contracts-private-prisons\">https:\/\/www.brennancenter.org\/our-work\/analysis-opinion\/trump-reverses-biden-order-eliminated-doj-contracts-private-prisons<\/a>. Under the Trump administration, the United States reversed course from hopeful mass-incarceration reform to embracing a profit-driven model that prioritizes private industry interests over public safety and rehabilitation. This recurring reversal of administrative policy decisions undermines long-term correctional reform.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Such administrative whiplash exposes the structural weakness of executive orders acting as tools for permanent social change. Instead, executive action may provide only temporary reform, since the orders cannot \u201cencroach on Congress\u2019s constitutional authority to make the law\u201d without violating the separation of powers. Christopher W. Durocher. <em>What is an Executive Order and What Legal Weight Does it Carry?<\/em>, American Constitution Society (Mar. 19, 2025). <a href=\"https:\/\/www.acslaw.org\/inbrief\/what-is-an-executive-order-and-what-legal-weight-does-it-carry\/\">https:\/\/www.acslaw.org\/inbrief\/what-is-an-executive-order-and-what-legal-weight-does-it-carry\/<\/a>. Article II of the U.S Constitution requires the President to \u201ctake Care that the Laws be faithfully executed,\u201d not to legislate through unilateral executive orders. U.S. Const. art. II, \u00a73, cl.1. As a result, executive orders often operate as short-term solutions to systemic problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Permanent reform of private prisons will therefore require either congressional legislation or a successful constitutional challenge. Gabby Korb. <em>President Biden\u2019s Executive Order 14006: A Positive but Likely Fleeting Attempt to Address the Injustice of Private Prisons<\/em>. Wake Forest L. Rev. (Jan. 19, 2023), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.wakeforestlawreview.com\/2023\/01\/president-bidens-executive-order-14006-a-positive-but-likely-fleeting-attempt-to-address-the-injustice-of-private-prisons\/\">https:\/\/www.wakeforestlawreview.com\/2023\/01\/president-bidens-executive-order-14006-a-positive-but-likely-fleeting-attempt-to-address-the-injustice-of-private-prisons\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>One compelling legal argument against private for-profit prisons is implicated through a violation of the Thirteenth Amendment. Robert Craig & andr\u00e9 douglas pond cummings, <em>Abolishing Private Prisons: A Constitutional and Moral Imperative<\/em>, 49 U. Balt. L. Rev. 261, 298 (2020), <a href=\"https:\/\/scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=2072&context=ublr\">https:\/\/scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=2072&context=ublr<\/a>. The Amendment abolishes slavery and involuntary servitude \u201cexcept as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.\u201d U.S. Const. amend. XIII, \u00a71, cl.1. According to Robert Craig & andres douglas pond cummings, \u201call incarceration is slavery, but the punishment clause allows the State and only the State to hold someone in the state of carceral slavery.\u201d <em>Id<\/em> at 299. By selling contracts to private prisons, these private corporations transform human confinement into a balance sheet commodity, reducing individuals into revenue-producing assets. <em>Id.<\/em> at 305. Such privatization arguably exceeds the narrow exception authorized by the punishment clause and undermines the Amendment\u2019s core abolitionist purpose. <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Legislative challenges to private prisons have also faced judicial resistance. In 2019, California enacted Assembly Bill 32, restricting the operation of any private prison within the state, effectively eliminating ICE detention contracts. Assemb. B. No. 32, 2019-2028 R. Sess. However, in <em>GEO Group, Inc. v Newsom<\/em>, the Ninth Circuit held that Bill 32 was preempted under the Supremacy Clause because Congress had delegated to the Department of Homeland Security the authority \u201cto arrange for appropriate places of detention.\u201d <em>Geo Grp., Inc. v. Newsom<\/em>, 50 F.4th 745, 750 (9th Cir. 2022). The ruling illustrates the difficulty states face when attempting to restrict private detention in areas dominated by federal immigration authority.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Further challenges under civil rights violations of the Eighth Amendment have been less than successful. In the case of <em>Dockery v. Hall, <\/em> a group of inmates at a privately owned facility in Mississippi filed a Section 1983 claim alleging cruel and unusual punishment based on inadequate medical care, excessive force, and solitary confinement practices. <em>Dockery v. Hall<\/em>, 443 F. Supp. 3d 726, 733-736 (S.D. Miss. 2019). The Fifth Circuit ultimately affirmed the lower court\u2019s dismissal of the claims, deferring to its finding that the conditions did not rise to the level of a constitutional violation. <em>Dockery v. Cain<\/em>, 7 F.4th 375 (5th Cir. 2021).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>With the renewed federal endorsement of privatized incarceration, the private prison industry is poised for renewed growth. Industry leaders GEO and CoreCivic are particularly well-positioned to benefit from expanded federal contracting under a second Trump Administration. Lauren-Brooke Eisen. <em>What Trump\u2019s Victory Means for the Private Prison Industry<\/em>. Brennan Center for Justice (Nov. 25, 2024), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.brennancenter.org\/our-work\/analysis-opinion\/what-trumps-victory-means-private-prison-industry?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">https:\/\/www.brennancenter.org\/our-work\/analysis-opinion\/what-trumps-victory-means-private-prison-industry?utm_source=chatgpt.com<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Administrative mechanisms such as executive orders will continue to provide only temporary limits on private prisons. Social justice reform will require novel constitutional arguments, continued judicial scrutiny, and, most importantly, federal legislation expressly limiting or abolishing the federal government\u2019s use of private detention facilities. For now, the elimination of private prisons is a figment of reality, and constitutional injustices will continue to take place as we wait for actual change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By: Cory Baker Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School <a href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2026\/01\/15\/executive-orders-and-incarceration-the-rise-fall-and-return-of-private-prisons\/\" class=\"more-link\">…<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> Executive Orders and Incarceration: The Rise, Fall, and Return of Private Prisons<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1728,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,121,100],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2978","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-archive","category-blog-post","category-legal-comentary"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.2 (Yoast SEO v27.2) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Executive Orders and Incarceration: The Rise, Fall, and Return of Private Prisons - The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service - UA Little Rock<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2026\/01\/15\/executive-orders-and-incarceration-the-rise-fall-and-return-of-private-prisons\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Executive Orders and Incarceration: The Rise, Fall, and Return of Private Prisons\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By: Cory Baker Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Journal, the William H. 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Bowen School of Law, or UA Little Rock.<\/em> <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Censorship in the digital world raises difficult constitutional questions. How far can the government go in restricting minors\u2019 access to online pornography without infringing on adults’ First Amendment rights to free speech? This issue was at the center of the U.S. Supreme Court\u2019s June 27, 2025, decision in <em>Free Speech Coalition, Inc. v. Paxton<\/em>. In that case, the Court upheld Texas\u2019s H.B. 1181, a statute requiring adults to submit their government-issued identification to access online pornographic content. <em>Free Speech Coal., Inc. v. Paxton<\/em>, 606 U.S. 461 (2025).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In my view, the Court\u2019s decision is sound. The holding in <em>Free Speech Coalition<\/em> affirms two important principles. First, constitutional challenges implicating First Amendment free speech are subject to intermediate scrutiny when the regulation is directed at protecting minors and only incidentally affects adult access to protected expression. <em>Id.<\/em> at 467. Second, the Court determined that H.B. 1181 is constitutionally permissible because requiring adults to submit government-issued identification to access pornographic websites imposes only an incidental burden that does not impede adults\u2019 First Amendment rights. <em>Id.<\/em> at 472. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Court\u2019s discussion in this case contemplates whether the government overstepped by effectively acting as a \u201cparent\u201d in restricting minors’ access to pornography. <em>Id.<\/em> at 477.\u00a0One might argue that it should be the responsibility of parents to monitor their children\u2019s online activity. To a certain extent, that is true. Yet the reality is that over 95% of teens ages thirteen to seventeen now own or have access to internet-enabled smartphones, and even the most tech-savvy parents struggle to keep up. <em>Id. <\/em>at 464. Parental codes and content blockers can be bypassed, and some parents are unaware that these tools even exist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Furthermore, H.B. 1181 does not restrict what adults can view, nor does it dictate what parents must allow their children to access. <em>Id.<\/em> at 474. Instead, the statute creates a baseline that complements parental efforts. The government is not acting as a parent, but as a partner providing an additional safeguard against minors\u2019 exposure to pornography. <em>Id.<\/em> at 462. Most parents would agree they do not want their children consuming or becoming addicted to this type of content. In that respect, the Court reached the correct conclusion: H.B. 1181 is constitutionally sound and serves the important purpose of protecting minors from easy access to online pornography. <em>Id.<\/em> at 480.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>However, the majority\u2019s choice of scrutiny is debatable. The Court applied the intermediate scrutiny standard, requiring the government to show (1) an important or substantial governmental interest, and (2) that the law does not burden substantially more speech than necessary.\u00a0<em>Id.<\/em> at 477. The dissent, however, correctly argued that strict scrutiny should apply. <em>Id.<\/em> at 500. Under strict scrutiny, the government must prove (1) a compelling interest, and (2) that the law is the least restrictive means of achieving it. <em>Id.<\/em> at 467. Simply, intermediate scrutiny is a less demanding standard, while strict scrutiny is the toughest check courts use for cases involving core constitutional rights, like free speech.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Justice Kagan persuasively reasoned that \u201cthis Court should subject H.B. 1181 to strict scrutiny. That is because H.B. 1181 covers speech constitutionally protected for adults; impedes adults\u2019 ability to view that speech; and imposes that burden based on the speech\u2019s content. Case closed.\u201d <em>Id.<\/em> at 485 (Kagan, J., dissenting). Historical precedent supports the application of strict scrutiny. In <em>Reed v. Town of Gilbert<\/em>, 576 U.S. 155, 163 (2015), the Court applied strict scrutiny to a case involving content-based regulation of speech. Similarly, in <em>Ashcroft v. American Civil Liberties Union<\/em>, 542 U.S. 656, 661 (2004), the Court applied strict scrutiny to the Child Online Protection Act\u2019s age-verification requirement. Strict scrutiny does not depend on whether a law bans or merely burdens speech; it is triggered whenever a core constitutional right, such as free speech, is at stake.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Even so, I believe H.B. 1181 would survive strict scrutiny. Protecting minors from harmful sexual content is a compelling interest recognized by the Court, and age verification is arguably the least restrictive and most effective method available to achieve that goal. While parental controls and content filters provide some protection, they are easily bypassed. For that reason, H.B. 1181 would likely satisfy the demanding requirements of strict scrutiny. Although the Court ultimately reached the correct outcome, it arguably cut corners on the government\u2019s evidentiary burden by applying intermediate rather than strict scrutiny. In cases involving First Amendment rights, the highest level of scrutiny should be applied.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Beyond the question of scrutiny, concerns remain that H.B. 1181\u2019s verification process could chill adult speech by creating embarrassment or privacy risks. <em>Paxton<\/em>, 606 U.S. at 487. While understandable, those worries pale in comparison to the government\u2019s compelling interest in shielding minors from harmful online content.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Society already accepts identification requirements for other age-restricted activities such as buying alcohol, tobacco, lottery tickets, entering adult theaters, and historically purchasing porn magazines or videos from brick-and-mortar stores. Online access is no different. In fact, third-party verification online can make the process more anonymous than in-person purchases. Moreover, the social stigma around pornography adds an interesting wrinkle. If someone is hesitant to attach their name to their online porn activity, it may reflect an internal recognition that the activity carries moral disapproval. That stigma does not justify banning adult access, but it supports the idea that requiring verification is a reasonable hurdle. If shame deters someone from engaging with such content, it may be a sign that individuals should engage in more constructive forms of entertainment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Critics have also warned that rulings like <em>Free Speech Coalition<\/em> mark the beginning of a slippery slope toward government overreach or a so-called \u201cBig Brother\u201d takeover straight out of Orwell\u2019s 1984. <em>Id.<\/em> at 488. That fear is unwarranted. H.B. 1181 is not a dystopian first step. Unlike blanket bans or invasive surveillance, the statute targets only content deemed obscene for minors. Importantly, H.B. 1181 does not restrict adult access; rather, it imposes a familiar requirement of age verification. This is far from Orwellian thought policing\u2014it is a modern update to long-standing regulatory norms that have historically governed access to adult material in physical spaces. The difference is simply that the medium has shifted online, while the regulatory principle remains the same.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In conclusion, H.B. 1181 and the Supreme Court\u2019s decision upholding its framework are sound. The law respects adult free speech, protects minors from obscene content, and imposes only an incidental burden on adult users. <em>Id.<\/em> at 480. In an age where kids carry the internet in their pockets, government intervention of this kind is less \u201ccensorship\u201d and more \u201cprotection.\u201d The digital world complicates traditional First Amendment analysis, but this ruling shows that careful regulation can coexist with constitutional freedoms. Age verification, already a well-established requirement, is simply being extended into the digital world. As more aspects of daily life migrate online, it is both expected and appropriate that regulatory frameworks will adapt accordingly.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By: Brylee Gnant Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of <a href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/11\/09\/not-big-brother-just-a-safeguard-for-children-the-supreme-courts-take-on-online-porn-laws\/\" class=\"more-link\">…<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> Not Big Brother, Just a Safeguard for Children: The Supreme Court’s Take on Online Porn Laws<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1728,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,121,100],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2865","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-archive","category-blog-post","category-legal-comentary"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.2 (Yoast SEO v27.2) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Not Big Brother, Just a Safeguard for Children: The Supreme Court's Take on Online Porn Laws - The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service - UA Little Rock<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/11\/09\/not-big-brother-just-a-safeguard-for-children-the-supreme-courts-take-on-online-porn-laws\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Not Big Brother, Just a Safeguard for Children: The Supreme Court's Take on Online Porn Laws\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By: Brylee Gnant Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. 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Bowen School of Law, or UA Little Rock.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Supreme Court has not touched a book-banning or book removal case since 1982. <em>Bd. of Educ. v. Pico<\/em>, 457 U.S. 853 (1982). In a plurality decision, the Court held that public schools can\u2019t remove books to suppress ideas based on the disapproval of the ideas expressed within the books and reinforced that schools must follow the First Amendment. <em>Id. <\/em>at 879.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Over the last few years, we have seen a drastic increase in books being banned or removed by different School Districts across the country. Metrics determined by PEN America\u2019s Index of School Book Bans show startling results. PEN America Index of School Book Bans \u2013 Fall 2022, PEN America, <a href=\"https:\/\/pen.org\/index-of-school-book-bans-2022\/\">https:\/\/pen.org\/index-of-school-book-bans-2022\/<\/a> (last visited Mar. 5, 2024, 6:56 AM)<a href=\"https:\/\/pen.org\/index-of-school-book-bans-2022\/\">.<\/a> From January through June of 2022, 30% of the titles banned were books about race, racism, or featured characters of color. <em>Id.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In a 2019 study, \u201c[o]f the total number of books banned, 41 percent include[d] protagonists or prominent secondary characters who [were] people of color; 22 percent of the titles directly address[ed] issues of race and racism; 16 percent [were] history books or biographies; and 9 percent have themes related to rights and activism.\u201d Akilah Alleyne, <em>Book Banning, Curriculum Restrictions, and the Politicization of U.S. Schools<\/em>, CAP 20 (Sept. 19, 2022), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.americanprogress.org\/article\/book-banning-curriculum-restrictions-and-the-politicization-of-u-s-schools\/\">https:\/\/www.americanprogress.org\/article\/book-banning-curriculum-restrictions-and-the-politicization-of-u-s-schools\/<\/a>. A review of the historical record suggests that the removal of certain books may be driven by potentially nefarious motives, rather than \u201csomething inherently dangerous or disturbing about it.\u201d Will Carless et al., <em>What’s behind the national surge in book bans? A low-tech website tied to Moms for Liberty<\/em>, USA Today (Oct. 5, 2023), https:\/\/www.usatoday.com\/story\/news\/investigations\/2023\/10\/05\/website-driving-banned-books-surge-moms-for-liberty\/70922213007\/.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Censorship undermines the constitutionally protected right of freedom of expression. Ray Bradbury\u2019s dystopian novel, Fahrenheit 451, first published in 1952, critiques censorship and blind conformity. Bradbury, Ray. Fahrenheit 451. Del Rey Books, 1992. Despite its age, the novel offers enduring insights into the dangers of restricting ideas and information, drawing a striking parallel between the fictional dystopian society and contemporary debates over intellectual freedom in the United States today. <em>Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Why is banning or removing books such a big deal? The banning or removal of books is particularly consequential because it diminishes the diversity of perspectives available in American libraries and educational institutions. Such actions undermine the \u201cmarketplace of ideas,\u201d a foundational theory of freedom of expression, protected under the First Amendment, which assumes that the free exchange of competing viewpoints is essential to discovering truth and fostering a vibrant democratic society. In <em>Reed v. Town of Gilbert<\/em> (2015), Justice Stephen Breyer said it best, \u201cwhenever government disfavors one kind of speech, it places that speech at a disadvantage, potentially interfering with the free marketplace of ideas and with an individual\u2019s ability to express thoughts and ideas that can help that individual determine the kind of society in which he wishes to live, help shape that society, and help define his place within it.\u201d <em>Reed v. Town of Gilbert<\/em>, 576 U.S. 155, 176 (2015) (Breyer, S., concurring).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A 60 Minute Overtime interview with a South Carolina School District, recently released, highlights promising developments in the ongoing debate over book bans. Scott Pelley et al., <em>South Carolina school district reviews, returns dozens of books after ban attempt<\/em>, CBS News (Mar. 3, 2024), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.cbsnews.com\/news\/book-ban-efforts-beaufort-schools-60-minutes\/\">https:\/\/www.cbsnews.com\/news\/book-ban-efforts-beaufort-schools-60-minutes\/<\/a>. Initially, 97 books were removed from Beaufort County Schools. Rather than making decisions solely based on complaints, the district required community members to read the books in question. <em>Id.<\/em> In total, 146 individuals \u2013 including teachers, librarians, and other educators \u2013 read the 96 remaining books (one book had already been removed). <em>Id.<\/em> Following careful discussion and voting, only five books were banned instead of the original 97. <em>Id.<\/em> The lesson from Beaufort County is clear: school districts should mandate direct engagement from community members with the material before deciding to implement any book removals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>There remains reason for optimism in safeguarding our First Amendment protections, ensuring that freedom of expression continues to thrive in our schools, libraries, and public institutions. Upholding the marketplace of ideas in school libraries isn\u2019t just a legal obligation; it\u2019s a moral one.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By: Christina Doncell Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of <a href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/10\/23\/the-death-of-the-marketplace-of-ideas-in-american-school-libraries\/\" class=\"more-link\">…<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> The Death of the Marketplace of Ideas in American School Libraries<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1728,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,121,100],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2858","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-archive","category-blog-post","category-legal-comentary"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.2 (Yoast SEO v27.2) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>The Death of the Marketplace of Ideas in American School Libraries - The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service - UA Little Rock<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/10\/23\/the-death-of-the-marketplace-of-ideas-in-american-school-libraries\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Death of the Marketplace of Ideas in American School Libraries\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By: Christina Doncell Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. 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Bowen School of Law, or\u00a0UA Little Rock<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Despite the undemocratic nature of nationwide injunctions, they are a necessary tool for protecting our nation\u2019s most vulnerable communities from constitutional violations by the executive branch. In 2025, the United States Supreme Court effectively outlawed nationwide injunctions. <em>See Trump v. CASA, Inc.<\/em>, 145 S. Ct. 2540 (2025). Nationwide injunctions prevent the government from implementing a challenged law, regulation, or other policy with respect to all persons and entities, even those not before the court in the litigation. Joanna R. Lampe, <em>Nationwide Injunctions: Recent Legal Developments<\/em>, Congress (December 2, 2021), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.congress.gov\/crs-product\/LSB10664\">https:\/\/www.congress.gov\/crs-product\/LSB10664<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>During President Donald Trump\u2019s second term, he signed Executive Order 14160. Exec. Order No. 14160, <em>Protecting the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship<\/em>, 90 Fed. Reg. 8449 (Feb. 14, 2025). The Order stated the Fourteenth Amendment did not extend citizenship to everyone born in the United States. <em>Id<\/em>. Legal experts believe the Trump Administration signed this executive order to challenge the use of nationwide injunctions by lower-court judges. Amy Howe, <em>How Birthright Citizenship Made it Back to the Supreme Court, <\/em>SCOTUSblog (September 29, 2025), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/2025\/09\/how-birthright-citizenship-made-it-back-to-the-supreme-court\/\">https:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/2025\/09\/how-birthright-citizenship-made-it-back-to-the-supreme-court\/<\/a>. In court filings, the Trump Administration did not address the constitutionality of its order; instead, the filings requested the Court to prevent lower courts from issuing nationwide injunctions. <em>Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In <em>Trump v. CASA<\/em>, the Court sided with the Trump Administration. One of the policy reasons it used to justify narrowing the use of nationwide injunctions was its belief that \u201c[a]ny time a State is enjoined by a court from effectuating statutes enacted by representatives of its people, it suffers a form of irreparable injury.\u201d <em>CASA<\/em>, 145 S. Ct. 2540, 2562 (citing <em>Maryland v. King<\/em>, 567 U.S. 1301, 133 S. Ct. 1, 183 L. Ed. 2d 667 (2012)). In essence, the Court is stating that the true harm of nationwide injunctions lies in preventing the president from executing the desires of the electorate. <em>Id<\/em>. The decision effectively ratifies executive overreach.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Court is mistaken to believe the true threat to democracy is a judiciary that wields the power to check the executive. An unchecked executive branch is the true danger to civil liberties and freedoms. Given the recent trend of presidents relying on executive orders to govern, there needs to be a check on this power. Susan A. Hughes, <em>Explainer: Executive orders as a governing tool<\/em>, Harvard Kennedy School (June 4, 2025), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.hks.harvard.edu\/faculty-research\/policy-topics\/democracy-governance\/explainer-executive-orders-governing-tool\">https:\/\/www.hks.harvard.edu\/faculty-research\/policy-topics\/democracy-governance\/explainer-executive-orders-governing-tool<\/a>. Throughout U.S history, we have witnessed the executive violate constitutional rights. In the aftermath of Pearl Harbor, President Franklin Roosevelt enacted Executive Order 9066, which directed officials to relocate Japanese-Americans to relocation camps. <em>Korematsu v. United States<\/em>, 323 U.S. 214, 65 S. Ct. 193, 89 L. Ed. 194 (1944), <em>abrogated by Trump v. Hawaii<\/em>, 585 U.S. 667, 138 S. Ct. 2392, 201 L. Ed. 2d 775 (2018). In a decision that abrogated <em>Korematsu<\/em>, Chief Justice John Roberts, who sided with the Trump administration in <em>CASA<\/em>, recognizes there is a need to check the executive when he acknowledged the injustice of Executive Order 9066, \u201c[t]he forcible relocation of U.S Citizens to concentration camps, solely and explicitly on the basis of race, is objectively unlawful and outside the scope of Presidential authority.\u201d <em>Trump v. Hawaii<\/em>, 585 U.S. 667, 138 S. Ct. 2392, 201 L. Ed. 2d 775 (2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the aftermath of <em>CASA, <\/em>class actions have replaced nationwide injunctions as the method to obtain injunctive relief against executive orders. <em>Barbara v. Trump<\/em>, No. 25-CV-244-JL-AJ, 2025 WL 1904338 (D.N.H. July 10, 2025). Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett believes class actions are a viable way to challenge the constitutionality of the executive branch. <em>See<\/em> <em>CASA<\/em>, 145 S. Ct. 2540. Supporters of this argument claim class action lawsuits are a way to protect constitutional rights while ensuring district judges don\u2019t overstep their authority.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>However, this argument ignores the challenges of class action lawsuits. One challenge in a class action lawsuit is the process to certify a class. Fed. R. Civ. P. 23. First, parties must meet a four-element test for certification of the class: the class is so numerous that joinder of all members is impracticable, there are questions of law or fact common to the class, the claims or defenses of the representative parties are typical of the claims or defenses of the class, and representative parties will fairly and adequately protect the interests of the class. Fed. R. Civ. P. 23(a). Next, plaintiffs would need to prove injunctive relief is appropriate by showing, \u201cthe party opposing the class [the federal government] has acted or refused to act on the grounds that apply generally to the class, so that final injunctive relief or corresponding declaratory relief is appropriate respecting the whole class.\u201d Fed. R. Civ. P. 23 (b)(2). Finally, the plaintiffs would need to prove class members have \u201ccommon questions of law or fact\u201d and the plaintiff representing the class does not have issues of fact or law that \u201cpredominates\u201d questions of fact and law of the class. Fed. R. Civ. P. 23 (b)(3). <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor correctly explained that the process of certifying a class requires a hearing and interlocutory reviews if the class is not certified, which adds significant delay and cost. <em>Trump v. CASA, Inc.<\/em>, 145 S. Ct. 2540, 2596 (2025) (Sotomayor, S., dissenting). The delay and cost associated with filing class action lawsuits sound like a minor inconvenience, but it is important to remember that many Americans lack the resources for legal services. In a survey conducted by the Legal Services Corporation, 46% of respondents indicated that cost was their reason for not seeking legal services. <em>The Justice Gap: The Unmet Civil Legal Needs of Low Income Americans<\/em>, Legal Services Corporation, <a href=\"https:\/\/justicegap.lsc.gov\/\">https:\/\/justicegap.lsc.gov\/<\/a> (Last visited July 27, 2025). Therefore, the public relies on nonprofits. In <em>CASA v. Trump<\/em>, the lawsuit was filed by a nonprofit. According to CASA\u2019s tax records, it ended its fiscal year 2024 with a net income (revenue minus expenses) of -$1,274,164. <em>Casa Inc.<\/em>, Nonprofit Explorer, <a href=\"https:\/\/projects.propublica.org\/nonprofits\/organizations\/521372972\">https:\/\/projects.propublica.org\/nonprofits\/organizations\/521372972<\/a> (Last visited July 27, 2025). For nonprofits that already operate on thin margins, the additional cost of filing class actions is a barrier to obtaining justice for vulnerable communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Furthermore, requesting injunctive relief through a class action to protect constitutional rights leads to inequity. The Court ignores that \u201cregulatory schemes that depend on nationwide application for effective implementation, a patchwork of traditional, parties-only injunctions may be more disruptive than even an injunction that halts enforcement in full.\u201d Amanda Frost, <em>In Defense of Nationwide Injunctions, <\/em>93 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1065 (2018). During Trump\u2019s first term, he signed an executive order restricting the travel of foreign nationals from Syria, Iran, Yemen, and Somalia. Exec. Order No. 13,780, <em>Protecting the Nation From Foreign Terrorist Entry Into the United States<\/em>, 82 Fed. Reg. 13,209 (March 6, 2017). After the Order went into effect, the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts issued a geographically limited injunction, confusing customs officials, that led to inconsistencies in which foreign nationals could enter the country through Logan Airport. Amanda Frost<em>, In Defense of Nationwide Injunctions<\/em>, 93 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1065 (2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Granting injunctive relief through class actions will lead to citizens having their constitutional rights protected based on the jurisdiction they reside. It is impracticable to require the public to bring class action lawsuits in each jurisdiction to prevent the executive from violating a constitutional right. Protecting the rights of vulnerable communities has always been a challenge, and the Supreme Court\u2019s decision in <em>CASA v. Trump<\/em> will create additional obstacles to protecting those rights. As frustrating as it can be for voters to see their elected officials’ actions struck down by a district judge, nationwide injunctions provide the most effective check on the executive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By: Ronak Patel Disclaimer:\u00a0The views expressed in this post are those\u00a0of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of\u00a0the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of Law, or\u00a0UA <a href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/10\/11\/nationwide-injunctions-are-the-most-effective-tool-for-protecting-constitutional-rights\/\" class=\"more-link\">…<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> Nationwide Injunctions are the Most Effective Tool for Protecting Constitutional Rights<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1728,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,121,100],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2849","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-archive","category-blog-post","category-legal-comentary"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.2 (Yoast SEO v27.2) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Nationwide Injunctions are the Most Effective Tool for Protecting Constitutional Rights - The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service - UA Little Rock<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/10\/11\/nationwide-injunctions-are-the-most-effective-tool-for-protecting-constitutional-rights\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Nationwide Injunctions are the Most Effective Tool for Protecting Constitutional Rights\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By: Ronak Patel Disclaimer:\u00a0The views expressed in this post are those\u00a0of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of\u00a0the Journal, the William H. 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Bowen School of Law, or UA Little Rock<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mandatory minimum sentencing laws have long been a source of controversy in the American criminal justice system. In Arkansas, these laws raise significant legal and moral concerns, particularly because they remove judicial discretion, contribute to mass incarceration, and disproportionately affect marginalized communities. While proponents may argue these laws enhance public safety, the real-world outcomes show deep inequities, constitutional challenges, and long-term consequences for individuals, families, and entire communities. Moreover, mandatory minimums often fail to account for the individual circumstances of a case, leading to punishments that may be excessively harsh and misaligned with principles of justice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mandatory minimum sentencing laws require judges to impose fixed minimum prison terms for specific offenses, regardless of the circumstances of the offense or the characteristics of the offender. Ashely Nellis, <em>How Mandatory Minimums Perpetuate Mass Incarceration and What to Do About It<\/em>, THE SENTENCING PROJECT (Feb. 2024), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.sentencingproject.org\/app\/uploads\/2024\/01\/How-Mandatory-Minimums-Perpetuate-Mass-Incarceration-and-What-to-Do-About-It.pdf\">https:\/\/www.sentencingproject.org\/app\/uploads\/2024\/01\/How-Mandatory-Minimums-Perpetuate-Mass-Incarceration-and-What-to-Do-About-It.pdf<\/a>. In Arkansas, such statutes are prevalent in cases involving drug offenses, violent crimes, firearm use, and repeat offenders. For example, under Arkansas Code Annotated \u00a7 5-64-401, certain drug offenses carry mandatory minimums ranging from 10 to 40 years or even life in prison. These laws are grounded in a \u201ctough on crime\u201d philosophy that gained traction in the 1980s and has continued to shape sentencing policies for decades, even as data now shows the flaws in this approach. Nellis, <em>supra<\/em>, at 1.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Nikki Morris discusses the evolution of such laws in her article <em>Criminal Law\u2013Sentencing Juveniles\u2013Where Do We Go From Here? Mandatory Sentencing and Retroactive Application Post-Miller<\/em>, emphasizing how cases like <em>Miller v. Alabama<\/em>, 132 S. Ct. 2455 (2012), began to chip away at harsh mandatory policies, particularly for juveniles. 37 U. Ark. Little Rock L. Rev. 311, 322 (2015). Those who originally advocated for mandatory minimums believed these laws would deter crime, incapacitate dangerous offenders, and promote uniform sentencing. Michael Tonry, <em>The Mostly Unintended Effects of Mandatory Penalties: Two Centuries of Consistent Findings<\/em>, 38 <em>Crime & Just.<\/em> 65, 67 (2009). However, empirical evidence and decades of criminological research suggest otherwise. <em>Id. <\/em>In practice, these laws have instead led to overly harsh penalties and deepened systemic racial disparities. Nellis, <em>supra<\/em>, at 3.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>One of the most compelling arguments against mandatory minimums is that they strip judges of their ability to tailor sentences to the unique facts and circumstances of each case. Eric Luna and Paul G. Cassell, <em>Mandatory Minimalism<\/em>, 32 Cardozo L. Rev. 1, 1 (2010). Sentencing is a complex and nuanced process that should consider the offender\u2019s intent, role in the offense, prior history, and potential for rehabilitation. <em>Id.<\/em> at 13. Mandatory minimums eliminate this nuance, forcing judges to impose lengthy sentences even when mitigating circumstances clearly warrant leniency. <em>Id.<\/em> As a result, nonviolent drug offenders who play only minor roles in trafficking operations can still face decades in prison under Arkansas\u2019s drug sentencing laws. <em>See <\/em>Ark. Code Ann. \u00a7 5-64-421 (subjecting defendants to a minimum of ten years of incarceration for delivering fentanyl without regard to amount). Statutes such as these force judges\u2019 hands despite compelling evidence of coercion, addiction, mental illness, or lack of criminal sophistication. A judge, fully aware of these mitigating factors, may find the statutory minimum grossly excessive but be legally bound to impose it. This undermines the principle of proportionality, a cornerstone of American jurisprudence; that the punishment should fit both the crime and the individual.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Arkansas Supreme Court has upheld the constitutionality of mandatory minimums, reasoning that the legislature has broad authority to set sentencing ranges and define criminal penalties. <em>State v. Freeman<\/em>, 312 Ark. 34, 37, 846 S.W.2d 660, 661 (1993). However, this deference to legislative power comes at a steep cost: it reduces the role of the judiciary and denies defendants the right to be sentenced based on the full context of their conduct, personal history, and rehabilitative potential. Nellis, <em>supra<\/em>, at 1.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Another troubling consequence of mandatory minimums is the shift in sentencing power from judges to prosecutors. Nellis, <em>supra<\/em> at 3. Facing the prospect of a decades-long sentence, many defendants, especially those lacking skilled, or well-resourced counsel, often plead guilty to lesser charges, even when they may have viable defenses or are legally innocent. <em>Id.<\/em> This prosecutorial discretion introduces significant disparities in sentencing outcomes. <em>Id.<\/em> Two defendants charged with the same offense may receive vastly different sentences depending on how the prosecutor chooses to charge the case, what plea bargains are offered, and whether the defendant is willing to accept a deal. This creates a system in which justice hinges less on legal merit or moral culpability and more on plea negotiations and prosecutorial strategies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As a result, trials become rarer, evidence is scrutinized less thoroughly, and appellate review is curtailed. The defendant\u2019s right to a jury trial, which is protected by both the Arkansas Constitution and the United States Constitution, is effectively nullified by the overwhelming risk of receiving an unjust and excessively harsh mandatory sentence. Rather than promoting fairness and due process, the system incentivizes expediency and compromise, often at the expense of truth and justice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mandatory minimum laws also exacerbate existing racial and socioeconomic inequalities in the criminal justice system. Nellis, <em>supra<\/em> at 2. Studies have consistently shown that Black and Hispanic defendants are more likely to be charged with offenses carrying mandatory minimums and less likely to receive favorable plea deals. <em>Id.<\/em> Arkansas is no exception. According to the Arkansas Department of Corrections, Black individuals, though only about 15% of the state\u2019s population, represent over 40% of its prison population. <em>Ark. Dep\u2019t of Corr., Fiscal Year 2022 Annual Report (2022),<\/em> <a href=\"https:\/\/doc.arkansas.gov\/wp-content\/uploads\/DOC-Secretarys-FY22-Annual-Report_12-20-2022_FINAL_spread.pdf\">https:\/\/doc.arkansas.gov\/wp-content\/uploads\/DOC-Secretarys-FY22-Annual-Report_12-20-2022_FINAL_spread.pdf<\/a>. Mandatory sentencing laws contribute significantly to this overrepresentation by imposing inflexible penalties that fail to account for systemic disparities in policing, prosecution, and access to effective legal representation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>These laws also disproportionately affect defendants with limited financial means. Nellis, <em>supra<\/em> at 2. Without the resources to hire experienced criminal defense attorneys or mount a robust defense, they are more likely to plead guilty and receive long sentences under mandatory minimum statutes. <em>Id<\/em>. Even in cases where an alternative resolution might be more just or appropriate, financial and structural barriers often make such outcomes unattainable for indigent defendants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Aside from being unjust and discriminatory, mandatory minimum sentencing laws are also ineffective and prohibitively expensive. Luna and Cassell, <em>supra<\/em> at 13\u201314. Deterrence and incapacitation under mandatory minimum sentencing lack practical efficacy. <em>Id.<\/em> For deterrence to function effectively, it assumes that individuals both understand the legal consequences of their actions and engage in a rational cost-benefit analysis before offending. <em>Id.<\/em> However, most offenders, particularly those driven by addiction, poverty, trauma, or mental health issues, do not operate within this rational actor model. <em>Id.<\/em> This makes the logic of deterrence under mandatory minimums deeply flawed. Furthermore, maintaining individuals in prison for unnecessarily long periods places a heavy financial burden on the state, diverting taxpayer dollars from education, healthcare, rehabilitation programs, and community investment. Nellis, <em>supra<\/em> at 2. The return on this investment, in terms of public safety or recidivism reduction, is minimal at best. <em>Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ultimately, mandatory minimum sentencing laws are fundamentally unfair and undermine the core principles of justice. Arkansas\u2019s laws are no exception. Mandatory minimum sentencing laws diminish judicial discretion, perpetuate racial and economic disparities, reduce transparency in the criminal process, and impose significant costs on the state without demonstrable benefits to public safety. A just and effective criminal justice system requires a balanced approach, one that restores judicial authority, embraces proportional sentencing, and invests in rehabilitation, reintegration, and restorative practices that promote long-term public well-being and fairness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By Julia Capella Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School <a href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/10\/04\/the-injustice-of-mandatory-minimum-sentencing-laws-in-arkansas\/\" class=\"more-link\">…<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> The Injustice of Mandatory Minimum Sentencing Laws in Arkansas<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1728,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,121,100],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2837","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-archive","category-blog-post","category-legal-comentary"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.2 (Yoast SEO v27.2) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>The Injustice of Mandatory Minimum Sentencing Laws in Arkansas - The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service - UA Little Rock<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/10\/04\/the-injustice-of-mandatory-minimum-sentencing-laws-in-arkansas\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Injustice of Mandatory Minimum Sentencing Laws in Arkansas\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By Julia Capella Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Journal, the William H. 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Bowen School of Law, or UA Little Rock.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Globally, cybersecurity regulation has evolved into a patchwork of rules and agreements designed to promote cross-border collaboration. The General Data Protection Regulation (hereinafter \u201cGDPR\u201d) of the European Union establishes high standards for data privacy, breach notification, and individual rights. Antonia Vlahou et al., <em>Data Sharing Under the General Data Protection Regulation: Time to Harmonize Law and Research Ethics?<\/em>, 77 Hypertension 1029\u20131035 (Feb. 15, 2021), <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1161\/HYPERTENSIONAHA.120.16340\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1161\/HYPERTENSIONAHA.120.16340<\/a>. These regulatory efforts by the European Union provide valuable models, but without national support and adaptation, states like Arkansas risk falling further behind in protecting vulnerable populations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Although the GDPR sets stringent requirements for data breaches and imposes hefty fines for non-compliance, most senior care facilities in Arkansas struggle to meet these requirements. At present, many facilities only maintain a basic level of cybersecurity. Author Vagelis Papakonstantinou highlights the GDPR\u2019s deletion requirements and strict safeguards for sensitive information. Vagelis Papakonstantinou, <em>Cybersecurity as praxis and as a state: The EU law path towards acknowledgement of a new right to cybersecurity?, <\/em>44 Comput. L. & Sec. Rev. 105653 (Jan. 29, 2022), <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1016\/j.clsr.2022.105653\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1016\/j.clsr.2022.105653<\/a>. This could serve as a model for Arkansas legislation governing senior care providers. However, due to a lack of national support, limited technical capacity, and insufficient funding, it makes it difficult for resource-constrained jurisdictions, including Arkansas, to meet global cybersecurity standards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Arkansas reflects broader tensions between state sovereignty and international cybersecurity guidelines. For instance, some senior care facilities in Arkansas resist state-imposed cybersecurity rules, framing them as an example of government overreach. Without systematic reform, these vulnerabilities will continue to put elderly residents at heightened risk of cybersecurity threats.<strong> <\/strong>New cybersecurity incidents in Arkansas reveal patterns.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Repeated incidents in Arkansas, such as the 2020 Blackbaud ransomware breach, the 2022 ARcare healthcare hack, and the recent 2023 Kisco Senior Living incident, highlight the persistent cybersecurity vulnerabilities in the state\u2019s digital infrastructure. Anthony Minnaar & Friedo JW Herbig, <em>Cyberattacks and the Cybercrime Threat of Ransomware to Hospitals and Healthcare Services During the COVID-19, <\/em>34 Acta Criminologica: Afr. J. Crim. & Victimology 155 (Dec. 1, 2021), <a href=\"https:\/\/journals.co.za\/doi\/abs\/10.10520\/ejc-crim_v34_n3_a10\">https:\/\/journals.co.za\/doi\/abs\/10.10520\/ejc-crim_v34_n3_a10<\/a>. These breaches are indicators that Arkansas\u2019s system for caring for its aging population is insufficient.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Blackbaud ransomware attack in 2020 compromised records that contained sensitive health and financial data for seniors. The absence of active anomaly detection further aggravated the breach. The attackers\u2019 preliminary actions could have been identified in advance through artificial intelligence (AI)-driven monitoring tools, potentially preventing the theft of sensitive data. Radina Stoykova, <em>Digital Evidence: Unaddressed Threats to Fairness and the Presumption of Innocence<\/em>, 42 Comput. L. & Sec. Rev. 105575 (Sept. 2021), <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1016\/j.clsr.2021.105575\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1016\/j.clsr.2021.105575<\/a>. This situation illustrates the costly consequences of relying on outdated or inferior detection systems, particularly in industries that handle sensitive information.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In 2023, Kisco Senior Living was a victim of a third-party vendor breach that caused a leak of 26,000 records. Steve Alder, <em>Kisco Senior Living & Island Ambulatory Surgery Center Disclose Summer 2023 Cyberattacks<\/em>, HIPAA Journal (Apr. 23, 2024), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.hipaajournal.com\/kisco-senior-living-island-ambulatory-surgery-center-data-breaches\/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">https:\/\/www.hipaajournal.com\/kisco-senior-living-island-ambulatory-surgery-center-data-breaches\/<\/a>. This incident was an underestimated threat to cybersecurity: third-party vendors. In all instances, a common factor is the lack of investment in proactive cybersecurity measures. Moreover, there are key steps that lawmakers and senior care institutions should consider implementing to protect vulnerable groups in Arkansas.<br><br>First, lawmakers should develop AI-based compliance regulations that allow senior care institutions to adopt AI-based auditing solutions. These tools continuously scan for vulnerabilities, ensure software compliance, and verify that access controls are effectively in place. To support their adoption, state-level grants could be allocated to fund these tools. Pilot programs have already demonstrated the effectiveness of AI implementation, with reports indicating AI can reduce breach response time by up to 72%, making it both efficient and cost-effective. O.L. van Daalen, <em>The Right to Encryption: Privacy as Preventing Unlawful Access<\/em>, 49 Comput. L. & Sec. Rep. 105804 (May 16, 2023), <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1016\/j.clsr.2023.105804\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1016\/j.clsr.2023.105804<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Second, to cooperate in combating cybercrime, states must establish an AI-supported education team that is dedicated solely to elder fraud cases. The most inefficient process contributing to the delay in prosecuting cybercriminals is the slow rate of Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties (hereinafter \u201cMLATs\u201d). These agreements between states allow the exchange of evidence and legal assistance on criminal matters. However, the bureaucratic hurdles, differing legal systems, and the need for translations and diplomatic negotiations often delay these processes. This prolonged system hampers effective regulations for curbing cybercrime in Arkansas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Third, the EU Artificial Intelligence Act (EU AI Act) is a recent effort that aims to regulate the application of AI systems. Regulation (EU) 2024\/1689 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 June 2024 on Artificial Intelligence, 2024 O.J. (L 1689), <a href=\"https:\/\/eur-lex.europa.eu\/eli\/reg\/2024\/1689\/oj\">https:\/\/eur-lex.europa.eu\/eli\/reg\/2024\/1689\/oj<\/a>. The Act categorizes AI applications based on risk. This categorization primarily applies to high-level systems that require rigorous requirements, especially those that involve critical infrastructure, healthcare, or personal data. This model should be used to guide regulatory efforts in the United States. Particularly in Arkansas, because of the heightened need for a regulated environment, especially for our aging generations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Finally, appropriate privacy-preserving AI methods, such as differential privacy, must balance security and the individual’s right to privacy. These methods will enable the AI systems to study data trends without revealing personal details. In the case of older populations, the mitigation steps provided by differential privacy do not entail trading privacy for personal integrity or personal data security. Christine Carpenter, <em>Privacy and Proportionality: Examining Mass Electronic Surveillance Under Article 8 and the Fourth Amendment<\/em>, 20 Int’l & Comp. L. Rev. 27 (Oct. 13, 2020), <a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.2478\/iclr-2020-0002\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.2478\/iclr-2020-0002<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In conclusion, the cybersecurity vulnerabilities faced by Arkansas senior care facilities are not isolated incidents. They warn of what underprepared systems endure in the face of global cyber threats. By adopting AI-powered auditing, AI support teams can target fraud against the elderly, using the EU AI Act as a reference, and apply privacy-preserving AI methods. Arkansas would be able to progress in protecting the most vulnerable groups from cybersecurity threats.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a id=\"_msocom_1\"><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By: Heather Carmichael Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of <a href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/09\/25\/bridging-the-cybersecurity-gap-in-arkansas-for-vulnerable-groups\/\" class=\"more-link\">…<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> Bridging the Cybersecurity Gap in Arkansas for Vulnerable Groups<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1728,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,121,100],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2834","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-archive","category-blog-post","category-legal-comentary"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.2 (Yoast SEO v27.2) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Bridging the Cybersecurity Gap in Arkansas for Vulnerable Groups - The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service - UA Little Rock<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/09\/25\/bridging-the-cybersecurity-gap-in-arkansas-for-vulnerable-groups\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Bridging the Cybersecurity Gap in Arkansas for Vulnerable Groups\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By: Heather Carmichael Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Journal, the William H. 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Bowen School of Law, or UA Little Rock<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The hijab is a headscarf worn by many Muslim women as a mark of modesty in character and appearance, faith, and identity, along with being a deeply personal and religious preference. Aliah Abdo, <em>The Legal Status of Hijab in the United States: A Look at the Sociopolitical Influences on the Legal Right to Wear the Muslim Headscarf<\/em>, 5 Hastings Race & Poverty L.J. 441, 449 (2008), <a href=\"https:\/\/repository.uclawsf.edu\/hastings_race_poverty_law_journal\/vol5\/iss2\/6\/\">https:\/\/repository.uclawsf.edu\/hastings_race_poverty_law_journal\/vol5\/iss2\/6\/<\/a>.<br>Though some political regimes attempt to enforce hijab on women, its compulsory enforcement or removal is incompatible with the tenets of Islam. Most Muslim women who wear hijab do so of their own volition. <em>Id.<\/em> at 448. The intent of hijab is to convey that the wearer is a Muslim who values herself and expects to be treated with respect and turns the attention from her physical appearances to her intellect, personality, and character traits. <em>Id<\/em>. at 449.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In Western culture, hijab is often weaponized against its wearers. What should be seen as a symbol of honor, identity, freedom, and respect can quickly become a symbol of oppression, leading to the mistreatment of hijabi women. <em>Id<\/em>. at 446-447.This holds true in the United States, where hijab is often misconstrued, reinforcing the misconception that Muslim women need liberation. This harmful misconception has been exacerbated post 9\/11. <em>Id<\/em>. at 441.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Today, hijabi women face discrimination in many forms. One notable area is in the workforce. Discrimination at work highlights a problematic gap between U.S. anti-discrimination laws and the unfair treatment of hijabi women in the workplace.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution contains two religious clauses: the Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause. U.S. Const. amend. I. The Establishment Clause prohibits governments from setting up an official religion or favoring a certain religious group; the Free Exercise Clause guarantees the right of a person to practice their religion without interference from government so long as it does not violate “public morals” or a “compelling” governmental interest.\u201d <em>First Amendment and Religion<\/em>, U.S. Cts. These two clauses guarantee religious freedom and protect religious beliefs and practices, such as wearing hijab, from governmental interference. While the First Amendment initially applied only to the federal government, the Fourteenth Amendment made it applicable to the states through the Due Process Clause. Abdo, supra at 451.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) further protects women by preventing federal entities from restricting the use of hijab unless it is the \u201cleast restrictive means\u201d of achieving a \u201ccompelling governmental interest.\u201d <em>Discrimination Against Muslim Women – Fact Sheet<\/em>, American Civil Liberties Union, May 29, 2008, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aclu.org\/documents\/discrimination-against-muslim-women-fact-sheet\">https:\/\/www.aclu.org\/documents\/discrimination-against-muslim-women-fact-sheet<\/a>. While the RFRA does not apply to states, many states have passed similar legislations or interpreted their state constitutions to afford equivalent enhanced protections. <em>Id<\/em>. Likewise, the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA) forbids federal funding recipients (e.g. state prisons) from banning hijab unless they can show that their action is the “least restrictive means” to attain a “compelling governmental interest.” <em>Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prevents employers with fifteen or more employees from discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. <em>Religious Garb and Grooming in the Workplace: Rights and Responsibilities<\/em>, U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Mar. 6, 2024, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.eeoc.gov\/laws\/guidance\/religious-garb-and-grooming-workplace-rights-and-responsibilities\">https:\/\/www.eeoc.gov\/laws\/guidance\/religious-garb-and-grooming-workplace-rights-and-responsibilities<\/a>. Title VII also forbids retaliation for reporting discrimination. <em>Id<\/em>. It also prohibits discrimination based on religion including disparate treatment, refusal of reasonable accommodations, workplace segregation, and harassment in the workplace. <em>Id<\/em>. In 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court held in <em>EEOC v. Abercrombie & Fitch Stores<\/em>, in an 8-1 decision, that the retailer’s failure to accommodate seventeen-year-old Samantha Elauf, who wore a hijab, violated Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Emily Pecot, <em>Muslim women Face Discrimination for Wearing Hijab<\/em>, <a href=\"https:\/\/njsbf.org\/2023\/10\/13\/muslim-women-face-discrimination-for-wearing-hijab\/\">https:\/\/njsbf.org\/2023\/10\/13\/muslim-women-face-discrimination-for-wearing-hijab\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Despite the legal system created to protect religious freedom and avert discrimination, many women who wear hijab encounter biases, exclusions, and challenges that undermine the effectiveness of the law and leave these women facing discrimination due to their religious expression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Employment issues affect hijabi women at all stages of employment across various fields, including law enforcement, private security, retail, and office settings. Abdo, <em>supra<\/em> at 475. Muslim women who wear hijab frequently face wage disparities, consistently earning less than non-Muslim women. Eman Abdelhadi, <em>The Hijab and Muslim women\u2019s employment in the United States<\/em>, Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, 61, 26-37, Feb. 9, 2019, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.sciencedirect.com\/science\/article\/abs\/pii\/S0276562418301239\">https:\/\/www.sciencedirect.com\/science\/article\/abs\/pii\/S0276562418301239<\/a>. Additionally, Muslim women who wear a hijab face different treatment than Muslim women who do not. A study indicated that hijabi women are 40% less likely to be hired and retained compared to non-hijabi women. Pecot, <em>supra<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In another study, applications from hijabi and non-hijabi women with identical credentials showed biases: hijabi women faced longer processing times for \u201cexcellent\u201d applications and were quickly rejected for weaker applications. Bethool Zehra Haider, <em>Asking the Muslim Woman Question: Understanding the Social and Legal Construction of Muslim Women<\/em>, 38 Berkeley J. Gender L. & Just. 81, 92 (2023). Similarly hijabi women with poorer quality applications were rejected much faster than their counterparts. <em>Id<\/em>. Studies also show that wearing a hijab increases rejection rates for professional positions at all levels of academic achievement, highlighting hiring biases. <em>Id<\/em>. at 92.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Research shows that employment rates for non-hijabi Muslim women are almost indistinguishable from those of non-Muslim women. Abdelhadi, <em>supra<\/em>. This underscores that the issue is not with Muslim women in general but rather with Muslim women who practice hijab. The disparity in employment opportunities and advancements for women who wear hijab compared to their non-hijabi and non-Muslim counterparts illuminates an issue of religious freedom and expression while highlighting a systematic problem driven by antiquated biases<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>There is a place for Muslim women who choose to wear hijab within our society, and it\u2019s time we acknowledge it.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By: Claire Herman Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of <a href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/02\/21\/veiled-bias-the-complex-reality-of-hijab-in-the-american-workplace\/\" class=\"more-link\">…<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> Veiled Bias: The Complex Reality of Hijab in the American Workplace<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,121,100],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2734","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-archive","category-blog-post","category-legal-comentary"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.2 (Yoast SEO v27.2) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Veiled Bias: The Complex Reality of Hijab in the American Workplace - The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service - UA Little Rock<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2025\/02\/21\/veiled-bias-the-complex-reality-of-hijab-in-the-american-workplace\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Veiled Bias: The Complex Reality of Hijab in the American Workplace\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By: Claire Herman Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. 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Bowen School of Law, or UA Little Rock<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Five years after Congress passed the Civil Rights Act, Denka Performance Elastomer opened for business in a small Louisiana parish on the banks of the Mississippi River. Victoria St. Martin, <em>EPA Opens Civil Rights Investigation Into Louisiana’s ‘Cancer Alley’<\/em>. Inside Climate News (April 25, 2022), <a href=\"https:\/\/insideclimatenews.org\/news\/25042022\/epa-louisiana-cancer-alley\/\">https:\/\/insideclimatenews.org\/news\/25042022\/epa-louisiana-cancer-alley\/<\/a>. Denka employs more than 200 people making synthetic rubber for wetsuits and shoes. <em>Id<\/em>. For residents of St. John the Baptist parish \u2013 an area long poor and desperate for jobs \u2013 the prospect of reliable employment was welcomed. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nola.com\/news\/environment\/despite-chemical-exposure-warnings-many-st-john-residents-decide-to-stay-fight-denka-in-court\/article_c4bfd6e3-3f1f-5e3f-9816-b3508b680671.html\">Della Hasselle & Nick Reimann, <em>Despite chemical exposure warnings, many St. John residents decide to stay, fight Denka in Court<\/em>. Nola.com (Feb. 9, 2019).<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mary Hampton, in her eighties, still lives in St. John. St. Martin, <em>supra<\/em>. Many years ago, her father \u2013 looking for the sort of opportunity that plants like Denka provided \u2013 bought land in the parish in hopes of providing each of his nine children with property, stability, and success. <em>Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>But Mary’s family hasn’t prospered. Instead, her family has suffered. She has lost two sisters, a brother, a daughter-in-law, a son-in-law, and even her father. <em>Id<\/em>. Each died from cancer. <em>Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Unfortunately, the story of Mary and her family is not unique. St. John is just one of many parishes located in what has become known as “Cancer Alley,” a stretch of land in the heart of Louisiana boasting more than 200 pollution-emitting industrial facilities like Denka. <em>Id<\/em>. Here, residents face the highest risk of cancer caused by air pollutants in the entire country \u2013 estimates put the risk of cancer at 47 times the national average. <em>Id<\/em>. Many residents are Black. Hasselle & Reimann, supra. Many residents cannot afford to leave. <em>Id<\/em>. Many residents now find themselves on the frontlines of the battle over environmental justice and federal anti-discrimination law, whether they want to be there or not.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In 1964, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act. 42 U.S.C. \u00a7 2000d (1964). Title VI of the Act directs federal agencies to, in a nutshell, promulgate their own rules prohibiting discrimination among beneficiaries of agency funding. <em>Id<\/em>. What’s controversial about Title VI is exactly what type of discrimination agencies have permission to prohibit. It’s uncontested that federal agencies can target intentional discrimination, and in fact, the statute explicitly directs agencies to do so. <em>Id<\/em>. However, Title VI is silent on whether agencies may also prohibit disparate impact discrimination \u2013 discriminatory behaviors that appear neutral on their face, but disproportionately impact people of color when put into practice. <em>Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The Environmental Protection Agency has long used Title VI disparate impact regulations to promote environmental justice. James Beers et al., <em>Louisiana v. EPA: A Turning Point for Title VI and Environmental Justice?<\/em> JDSupra (February 12, 2024), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.jdsupra.com\/legalnews\/louisiana-v-epa-a-turning-point-for-4033769\/\">https:\/\/www.jdsupra.com\/legalnews\/louisiana-v-epa-a-turning-point-for-4033769\/<\/a>. EPA realized that industrial facilities were more likely to be located in poor Black communities, resulting in disproportionately adverse health effects for the people living there, and tried to address the problem by promulgating rules prohibiting disparate impact discrimination. <em>Id<\/em>. In theory, if a state forced Black communities to take the brunt of these adverse health effects, the EPA could enforce the rules and pull state funding for any such violations. Yvette Cabrera <em>et al<\/em>., EPA promised to address environmental racism. Then states pushed back. The Center for Public Integrity (October 25, 2023),<a href=\"https:\/\/publicintegrity.org\/environment\/pollution\/environmental-justice-denied\/environmental-justice-epa-civil-rights-story\"> https:\/\/publicintegrity.org\/environment\/pollution\/environmental-justice-denied\/environmental-justice-epa-civil-rights-story<\/a>\/. This method was ideal because the other avenue of addressing the problem \u2013 proving intentional racial discrimination under Title VI \u2013 is prohibitively difficult.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Unfortunately for the EPA, this method has not been successful. Private lawsuits were one of the primary methods of enforcing EPA’s disparate impact rules, and the Supreme Court struck that method down more than 20 years ago. James Beers et al., <em>supra<\/em>. Beyond that, language in the opinion sent many the message that the Court was not fond of federal agencies using Title VI to target disparate impact discrimination in any capacity. <em>Id<\/em>. Because Congress did not explicitly allow it, many Justices are doubtful that agencies have any authority to prohibit disparate impact at all. Michael Phillis, <em>EPA drops environmental justice investigations in Louisiana<\/em>. PBS News Hour (Jun. 28, 2023 11:29 AM EST), <a href=\"https:\/\/www.pbs.org\/newshour\/nation\/epa-drops-environmental-justice-investigations-in-louisiana\">https:\/\/www.pbs.org\/newshour\/nation\/epa-drops-environmental-justice-investigations-in-louisiana<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In recent years, Denka and St. John have become the primary battleground over whether Title VI is a viable method for addressing environmental injustice. EPA opened an investigation into the state of Louisiana, alleging that Denka’s emissions put the historically Black community of St. John at impermissible risk. <em>Id<\/em>. Louisiana responded by suing the EPA. James Beers et al., supra. Louisiana argued that the disparate impact regulations employed by the agency “exceed statutory authority and are illegal,” a position seemingly shared by the majority of Supreme Court Justices. <em>Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>EPA dropped the investigation in the summer of 2023, but Louisiana has not dropped their lawsuit \u2013 why would they? Phillis, <em>supra<\/em>. In January 2024, a federal judge ruled in the state’s favor, issuing a temporary injunction against EPA’s ability to enforce their disparate impact rules. James Beers et al., <em>supra<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For states like Louisiana, the battle isn’t over. Louisiana\u2019s injunction is only temporary, and the lawsuit hasn’t settled on the merits. <em>Id<\/em>. If the states want freedom from EPA supervision \u2013 more opportunity to entice industry, create jobs, and boost their economies \u2013 they’ve got one victory under their belts, but have a long way to go.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For communities like St. John, the future is bleak. Mary Hampton, who has seen so many of her loved ones pass to cancer and lives with an exceedingly high risk of developing the disease herself, is at a loss. “We can’t move to go anywhere else,” she says, but “we can’t live like this.” St. Martin, <em>supra<\/em>. For Mary and those like her, there is nothing left to do but keep fighting.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p> <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p> <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By: Taylor Farmer Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. Bowen School of <a href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2024\/02\/27\/standoff-in-st-john-how-louisianas-heartland-became-ground-zero-in-the-fight-for-environmental-justice\/\" class=\"more-link\">…<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> Standoff in St. John: How Louisiana’s Heartland Became Ground Zero in the Fight for Environmental Justice<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":15164,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[51,121,100],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2381","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-archive","category-blog-post","category-legal-comentary"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.2 (Yoast SEO v27.2) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Standoff in St. John: How Louisiana's Heartland Became Ground Zero in the Fight for Environmental Justice - The Arkansas Journal of Social Change and Public Service - UA Little Rock<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ualr.edu\/socialchange\/2024\/02\/27\/standoff-in-st-john-how-louisianas-heartland-became-ground-zero-in-the-fight-for-environmental-justice\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Standoff in St. John: How Louisiana's Heartland Became Ground Zero in the Fight for Environmental Justice\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By: Taylor Farmer Disclaimer: The views expressed in this post are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect views of the Journal, the William H. 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